UNSC Election Briefing with Uncontested Candidates

Good afternoon.
Excellencies, colleagues and friends.
My name is William Yotive.
I am the Senior Education Officer of the World Federation of the United Nations Associations.
On behalf of WFUNA welcome to this Special UN Security Council briefing with the uncontested candidates for the 2027, 2028 term of the UN Security Council.
The World Federation of United Nations Associations is a global nonprofit organization representing and coordinating a membership of over 100 national United Nations Associations and there are thousands of constituents around the world.
We work to build a better world by strengthening and improving the United Nations through engagement of people who share a common global mindset and support international cooperation The Security Council is a crucial organ of the UN architecture charged with the primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, a responsibility that has become increasingly difficult amidst the challenges to multilateralism that we face today.
Today's briefing is part of Ofuna's wider efforts to further transparency and accountability of the Security Council, an initiative that we launched in 2016 to answer the calls of member states and civil society.
To improve access to the council.
These briefings are designed to strengthen the effectiveness of the United Nations system in order to achieve a council that is prepared and efficient in its means of addressing complex and multidimensional challenges of the 21st century.
We believe the people's involvement in all levels of local, national and global decision making is essential in order to achieve the goals of the United Nations.
This is our ninth year of election series.
We are joined today by two uncontested UN Security Council candidates seeking election for a non permanent seat on the council for the 2027 2028 term.
We have previously hosted an event for contested seats within Western European and others group and we will host our last debate in the series with contested candidates from the Asia Pacific Regional Grouping tomorrow afternoon.
We are delighted to be here with you this afternoon and grateful for the participation of our UN Security Council candidates, all of whom with us today run unopposed.
I thank both ambassadors.
If elected, they will serve a two year term on the Security Council for the Gulc and African regional groups respectively.
A few housekeeping reminders, each member state has been asked to provide a brief introduction about our priorities, issues, and concerns going into the term if elected to the council.
After this, we will have our Q&A segment, beginning with member states who pre submitted a request to pose a question to the panel and moving on to pre submitted questions from NGO and CSO representatives.
We will then take questions from the floor if time allows.
Interactions should focus on the work of the UN Security Council and involve both candidates.
If any member state or civil society representative is interested in asking a question that did not indicate, so on the RSVP form beforehand, you are welcome to do so when we open the floor after discussing the pre submitted questions.
Please keep in mind that once the floor opens, priority will be given to permanent admissions who wish to ask a question.
After all questions have been exhausted, we will end the briefing with closing remarks from the UN Security Council candidates in reverse order.
This event is being streamed live on UN web TV.
And live tweeted.
For those watching online, we also encourage you to participate using the hashtag UNSCEions again, hashtag USC Elections.
If we run into any technical difficulties, please be patient as we try to resolve them as soon as possible.
Now it is my pleasure to turn to each ambassador for introductory remarks, highlighting priorities, issues, and concerns going into their term on the council.
We will go in alphabetical order, starting with Trinidad and Tobago.
For the Q&A segment, ambassadors may choose to answer questions if and as they see fit.
For the closing remarks, we will start in reverse order, starting with Zimbabwe.
It is now my pleasure to give the floor to His Excellency, Ambassador Parson, for opening remarks.
Ambassador, the floor is yours.
thank you very much, moderator, and good afternoon everyone.
Those of you are physically and those of you who are listening online.
This is probably the first time in my career.
and we go first.
Thank you, Zimbabwe.
Having said that, as permanent representative of Trinidad and Tobago, spearheading our campaign here in New York City, I'm firstly very honored and grateful to the organizers for putting this event together and also for you to take any time of this afternoon to come and attend and join us question and any further comments.
For Tnidad and Tobago, this is not our first campaign for the UN Security Council.
We were there in 1985 and 2086, where we enjoyed a successful two year tenure on the council.
We submitted our application to the Gulag Group in 2013 to represent the Gulag group, which also includes C com for a non permanent uncontested seat so far.
As far as the campaign is concerned, let me just share some thoughts on that for you.
I have visited probably the equivalent of 188 PRs directly.
I've had deep conversations with all of them.
The reason Trio chose this approach is to get a underground pulse of common denominator issues, issues that are important to individual member states, and also as a collective, regionally, functionally, and other.
It has been a very, very encouraging exercise for me to understand the complexity, yet in some instances, the simplicity of some of the issues that are being challenged.
For Triad and Tobago, our priority areas were determined by our experiences and the realities we live in coming from the Caribbean.
For those of you who know where Trinidad and Tobago is located, we are the last two islands in the chain of Caribbean Islands, 7 miles off the coast of Mainland, South America.
In fact, I could not when I tell ra clearly, I can physically see Venezuela from the capital city Port of Spain.
Our geography is an interesting one.
It's a blessing, we in the Caribbean, but it also poses for us tremendous challenges.
Climate challenges being one, public and citizen security being quite another.
For the Caribbean, the Caribbean has been decimated over the decades by a great deal of crime, violence, and what I term climate as well as economic shocks to the system.
Most of the Kiran represents a transit corridor and I'm sticking here now to the peace and security agenda, transit corridor for the movement of drugs or narcotics.
In fact, I would safely say, with the exception of Haiti, which I'm dealing with separately, between Jamaica, Tinada and Tobago, we hold one of the highest crime rates, unfortunately, in the region.
The islands of Tnadan Tobgo is just over 5,000 square kilometers in size with a population of 1.4 million people.
Last year alone, we had 627 murders.
I'm bringing these statistics to the attention of the international community because it feeds into what our priority areas are.
95% of these murders and these are police statistics is related to gang violence due to narco trafficking, gun trafficking, and human trafficking.
And many of the smaller islands, who themselves lack a critical mass in terms of a sustainable tax base to have a predictable source of revenue during the course of their fiscal years are subject to this type of escalating crime, and of course, climate shocks because of hurricanes other and seasonalized and a deceasonalized product of tourism.
It takes 1 bar travel advisory coming from the developed countries into the Caribbean to affect the revenue base for these islands.
I'm grouping that as carom because it feeds into our first priority area.
That we have been sharing during our campaign, which is curbing the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons and you'll understand why from the context I gave you.
We are aware of the sensitivity probably of that agenda item, but we also understand the reality that we are faced with and we plan to use a very practical approach in the way we engage in and I'm happy to elaborate on that during the question and answer session.
Our second priority area is women, peace and security.
Trinidad and Tobago gain independence in 1962 from Great Britain and we also joined the United Nations in 1962.
I'm always proud to say we were one of the Fong and Deuged members on the women and Peace Agenda, the women and Dis armament agenda and the Arms Trade Treaty.
For us, the women and Peace agenda is important because they represent obviously 50% of the population, and we could go into the details of peace building and conflict management and all the reasons we would be supportive of it in our approach during the Q&A.
But suffice it to say we have good reason to support this.
My president is a woman, my prime minister is a woman, the leader of the opposition is a woman, all my staff are women.
I'm happy to support the women and Peace Agenda.
Thirdly, it's a bit sensitive, but we also plan to take to the Council artificial intelligence and global security.
We are aware of the sensitivity of that issue.
We all know that the United Nations has been charged with the responsibility for the formulation of a global governance framework on artificial intelligence.
We have the view that probably within the next three to four years, artificial intelligence will become a priority for the United Nations Security Council.
A good example is what's happening now in the Gulf.
Thousands of targets are destroyed, not a single boot is on the ground and the weapons and weaponry used in this present environment is not necessarily embedded with deep tech or algorithmically determined self decision making in these weapons.
Clearly, one of the best places to table this discussion on where this type of warfare is going will be the United Nations Security Council.
I would also like to share with you Other items for your consideration as member states.
Frinidan Tobago deeply commits itself to the UN Charter, international law, and the rule of law.
I would also like to share with you we do plan to join the A three plus grouping with members of the African continent who are on the Council.
The reason for that is two or three fold.
Number one, of the 47 48 odd files in the United Nations Security Council, both country files and non country files.
About 55 to 60% of those files are relevant to the continent of Africa, including the issues in the Sahelra, Sudan, Congo.
For the purposes of collaboration and improving our bench strength on these issues, it will be wise for us to collaborate with partners in the room.
Secondly, we know UN Security Council reform is an important issue for all member states.
The United Nations that was founded in 1945, some 80 odd years ago, needs to be retooled, repurpose, and redefined to suit 2025 fit for purpose going forward.
We know the challenges and the sensitivities of that conversation.
It is not something I would anticipate would happen overnight.
It's ongoing dialogue, but I think it's important we bring this to bear as part of our collaboration with our partners in the room.
I would also like to say of the 48 odd files, we have taken the time to look very closely at which Trinidad and Tobago would like to assume a leadership role in some of these files.
One of them, we have probably looking at about eight to nine.
One of them is Haiti.
Haiti is in the Caribbean, they are cousins, they are neighbors, and we have a natural responsibility and propensity to take some leadership role on that particular file among others.
I wanted to use this opportunity to give video assurance in very practical terms that Trinidad and Tobago plans to be a reliable, pragmatic, balanced partner in the room, and I do look forward to the continued dialogue during the Q&A session.
Modert thank you.
Thank you very much for those opening remarks, and now it's my pleasure to give the floor to His Excellency, Ambassador Much Avon, who do you have the floor? Thank you, Mr.
Moderator.
I like the way you pronounce Michel Au, which is quite correct.
Thank you, William tv, the senior Education Officer at Wufner.
Excellencies.
Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon.
And I also want to welcome those who are listening in or who have tuned in online.
Let me begin by thanking Wufner for bringing us together.
This afternoon.
I think engagements like this are extremely important because they allow member states, civil society, as well as any other interested parties to have an honest conversation about the work of the Security Council in the wider United Nations family.
In many ways, this is the United Nations at its best, not abstract but connected to the people.
After all, the charter begins by the seminar words with the people of the United Nations.
I think we are really in good hands with the peoples of these United Nations.
It is also a pleasure, of course, to share the platform with my good friend Ambassador New Person of Trinidad and Tobago.
Our two countries come from different regions, but we share commonalities in histories.
As you will see that there are also common challenges.
And we are also united by a common belief in multilaterlism, dialogue, and international cooperation.
Africa and the Caribbean have long stood together on questions of justice.
Sovereignty and human dignity.
I believe that spirit continues today.
That is why you heard doctor Parson talking about joining the A three plus because of these connections.
Why does Zimbabwe seek to join the Security Council or seek election into the Security Council? To answer that question, let me go a little bit back to the beginning.
Zimbabwe attained its independence in 1980, and only a few years after that, we were elected to the Security Council for the 1983, 1984 term.
And during that period, for those who are familiar, we were then championing the independence of Namibia, the resolution 435, the popular one of the same Security Council, and we also supported the global struggle against Apartheid.
We saved again during 1991 and 1992.
And during that time, as some will recall, there was again another consequential moment in international affairs when one member state invaded another.
And we performed our role honorably during all those times.
Now, after more than three decades, Zimbabwe believes it is ready once again to contribute to the work of the Security Council, because we think that from our experiences, we can bring something of value to the table, and our approach is shaped by a simple understanding that peace and development are inseparable.
Without peace, development cannot take root, and without development, peace also cannot endure.
For many of the countries of the global South, this is our lived reality where we always have to balance these two.
So we also come to the as a candidate with some practical experience, which we think we can share in the council.
Over the years, Zimbabwean men and women in uniform have served in the United Nations and regional peacekeeping missions in different parts of the world and beyond.
And that experience has taught us that sustainable peace cannot simply be imposed from outside.
It must be locally grounded, adequately supported, and internationally backed through genuine partnership.
For us, this is the lesson that we have learned and this is what we want to bring to the Security Council.
And we do realize that, of course, the world that we are looking at today is very different from the one that existed during the previous terms that we have served in the council.
So we are facing now increasingly complex conflicts, rising geopolitical tensions, terrorism, climate related insecurity, organized crime, as we have heard from my colleague, and declining trust in international institutions.
In such a world, there is an even greater need for the voices and experiences of developing countries to be ad within council.
This really answers one of the questions that a colleague asked me when I was campaigning, when I knocked at this door and he said, why would Zimbabwe want to end the Security Council at this time? And I said that this is the time when there's greater need for voices and experiences of the global South to be aid in the council.
So if elected Zimbabwe will approach the council in a practical and constructive manner, First, in terms of our priorities, we will continue to support dialogue, diplomacy, and the peaceful settlement of disputes, while also encouraging greater attention to the root causes of conflict, including poverty, exclusion, and inequality.
Second, we will support efforts to address terrorism, violent extremism, transnational organized crime, and the illicit flow of small arms and light weapons, which continue to undermine the stability in many regions.
Africa does have the silence in the Gun Initiative, which we think we will be able to champion through this priority area.
And third, we believe strongly in closer cooperation between the Security Council and regional organizations, and in our case, particularly the African Union.
Regional organizations often understand local realities deeply.
And can play an indispensable role in conflict prevention and peace building.
In that regard, Zimbabwe will advocate for the implementation of the Security Council Resolution 27 19 on predictable financing for African Union led peace support operations.
And lastly, Zimbabwe will continue to champion the women peace and security agenda.
As you have heard, this is not new.
In fact, all of our priorities are priorities that we need to put emphasis on because these are areas that have been broached before.
We firmly believe that durable peace is not possible when women remain excluded from peace processes and decision making.
Women are not just victims of these conflicts.
We think strongly that women are capable leaders and mediators who can also build peace.
Was women are on the receiving end of conflicts, we think that involving them will bring us durable peace.
At the same time, we are also quite conscious that the Security Council is a collective body, that no country large or small acts alone that success in the council depends on listening, bridge building, and working constructively with others, even when perspectives may differ.
Zimbabwe therefore comes to this candidature in a spirit of partnership, humility and service and perhaps, that is the enduring lesson of multilateralism itself, that even in a divided world, nations can still choose cooperation over confrontation and dialogue over division.
I thank you.
Thank you, Ambassador, for your opening remarks.
We will now begin the Q&A segment, and we will start with requests from member states.
We have two requests that we received.
If there are other member states present who also wish to ask questions, you will have an opportunity to do so when we finished going through all the pre submitted questions.
Our first request comes from the permanent Mission of St.
Vincent and the Grenadines.
Is the representative? Yes, you have the floor.
Thank you.
Allow me to express my gratitude to Afuna for the opportunity to engage with the candidates in this briefing.
I offer my best wishes to Trinidad and Tobago, and Zimbabwe.
Ambassador Parson, my question is for you.
As a fellow Caribbean small Island developing state, St.
Vincent and the Grenadines can recall its own term on the council and the valuable experience gained as a member of the A three plus one.
How does Trinidad and Tobago plan to engage with other members of the Security Council to promote cooperation and consensus? We will take one more question from the permanent mission of Kyrgyzstan, and then we will ask the ambassadors to answer.
Thank you.
The Ambassador Tanga and the Ambassador Neil, we wish you all the best and if elected Kyrgyzstan, we will be proud to serve with you on the Security Council.
We highly value the important role of the elected members of the Security Council in promoting balance, inclusivity, and constructive dialogue within the council.
In today's polarized international environment, cooperation among ET, is becoming ever more essential for strengthening the effectiveness and transparency and the credibility of the council's work.
Against this backdrop, we would like to know and it's interesting to hear the views of the distinguished delegates of Zimbabwe and Trinidad Tobago on the following question.
How would you delegations promote cooperation among the E ten members? Thank you.
We will begin the responses to this in reverse order.
Ambassador Much van Hou you will begin and Ambassador Parson will follow.
Thank you, Chair.
I'll start with the last question and say that for us, cooperation in the ET is quite important because the ET is a the elected members who have the elections behind them.
So they do have that sense of legitimacy because of having gone through an electoral process like we're doing, having been questioned, having understood the concerns that are out there.
We think that the ET is quite an important factor in the Security Council.
For us, the beginning of the building block of the EN is really the A three plus We think it was a good building block.
Building from the A three plus, we then move to the incoming five like ourselves, including Kygistan.
We during this whole campaign period, we have built a camarader.
We have a sense of understanding of what needs to be done.
Building from that, we then engage the existing five within the Security Council.
For us, the E ten is a good block in that is ten members.
If there is cohesion in that group, it's easier to also pass the resolutions, and we don't want to use the term veto, but on its own, is needed to pass anything in the council.
So that's the importance of eating.
And for us, it's a good, a place to build alliances and to work together on so many issues within the council.
Then coming to the issue of promoting cooperation and consensus, although I'm not coming from the Caribbean, but we will venture to answer because as we work as the A three plus, we'll work together with the Caribbean and consents coming in from Cecum will be our consents also to, um, to channel in the Security Council.
For us, it's an area where we think we need to work together with Trinit and Tobago in order to build cooperative relations with other regions and work together to promote the interests of both Africa and the Caribbean.
I think.
Ambassador Parson, you have the floor.
Sure.
Thank you.
I thank you both for the questions.
I think the first question is directed to be endeavor to answer that first.
Shenango theme going into this campaign.
Is building consensus for the realization of sustainable peace and security.
I did earlier, going to the priority areas that feeds into that overall theme.
For us, consensus is not merely a procedural aspiration.
We see it as a strategic requirement for durable and enforceable Security Council action.
We have the view that when mandates and resolutions lack broad buy in, Implementation weakens and political polarization increases, and parties to conflict perceive the council's outcomes as selective or even partisan in some instances.
In today's landscape and we are aware of the sensitivities, achieving this type of consensus really calls for two or three things.
Firstly, we want to engage in early and inclusive engagement with affected states, including regional organizations.
We also want to ensure that we engage mandates that are built on balance threat assessment and evidence.
And having clear implementation pathways and coming from the business sector, I dare say what is called KPI driven outcomes, key performance indicator outcomes.
So there's a sense of measurement on what we're doing.
So it becomes less qualitative and more quantitative.
What gets measured gets done, what gets measured gets improved.
I think we ought to be focused on areas that we can measure, therefore, peg our success against it.
I would also like to agree with this and I'm answering both questions in one at this point, for a distinguished permanent representative of Zimbabwe.
As far as the cooperation agenda goes, it's similar to consensus building.
I think in addition to what I support and what he said, I think we also need to look at broadening the stakeholder ecosystem and who we engage, regional organizations, civil society, local actors, even hyperlocal actors, those who are closest on the ground the highest level of intelligence and information that's credible to feed into the work that we're doing.
So we establish common ground and common denominator issues that we can tackle collectively.
Thank you, Moderator.
Thank you very much.
Now we turn our attention to pre submitted questions from CSO representatives.
We received three.
If they are here, we will give them an opportunity to ask.
The first question comes from the nonviolent peace force.
Okay, you have the floor.
Thank you.
Gay Rosenblum Kumar with unarmed civilian Protection in Palestine.
Ambassadors, thank you for your willingness to dialogue and to Afuna for organizing.
We appreciate this forum being open not only to member states, but to civil society, which is the direction we believe the UN needs to move toward and hope this can be a model for further exchange.
My question is about the Middle East.
Palestine and Israel are one of the most dangerous and contested situations on the Security Council agenda, wherein the Israeli government is clearly in violation of international law, subjugating Palestinians under apartheid like conditions, committing ethnic cleansing, maintaining an illegal occupation.
I don't need to tell you more.
My question is, how strongly will you vote to condemn these acts not just in words, but commit to implement concrete concrete sanctions, arms embargoes, or harsher measures? Thank you.
We also have a question submitted from Jen Fail.
Is Rafael here? No.
We also have the DRC Net Foundation.
Yes, you have the floor.
Good afternoon.
Thank you.
I'm going to echo what my colleague across the room said and thanks for allowing civil society voices in the room.
We very much welcome this dialogue.
Um I'm delivering this on behalf of two civil society organizations, DRC Net and the International Drug Law Advocacy Resource Center.
Since September of last year, the US military in the direction of the current president has engaged in a series of lethal strikes on civilian fishing boats that were allegedly carrying drugs in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific.
The 55 strike events so far, widely condemned in the US and the international legal communities as extradicial killings have claimed the lives of 194 people, some of them Trinidad and Tobago nationals.
Five governments, including two of those permanent members of the Security Council have responded to the strike by placing restrictions on the cooperation with the US operations in the regions.
Following the initial strike, Prime Minister Kamila Pasadas praised it saying the US military should kill all drug traffickers violently.
In later remarks referencing both the boat strikes and a territorial dispute between Venezuela, the Prime Minister attacked the Caracm zone of peace calling vacuous.
In light of the Securities Council's mission as a safeguard for world peace, will both Zimbabwe and Trinidad and Tobago in their work on the Council condemn the extradicial killings and support the holding of discussions about the boat strikes or other questions internationally about counter drug operations should the Council consider taking up the issue.
Thank you very much.
We begin with Ambassador Parsons.
Sean, thank you both for the two questions.
Let me start with the easier question, please.
Palestine.
I thank you for the question and you know with Israel and Palestine.
To me, this is not only a regional war.
It is a direct test of the Council's authority.
It's also a test on the credibility of international humanitarian law, protection of civilians, and the viability of a negotiated two state solution.
It requires member states to balance imperatives at this point, and I will get to answer your question directly.
Those imperatives are condemnation of terrorism and hostage taking, protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, compliance with international humanitarian law, and prevention of regional escalation in addition to looking at credible political pathways to what is a two state solution expressed by many.
For Trinidad and Tobago specifically, And let me repeat how I started.
We are committed to the UN charter.
We are committed to international law.
We are committed to the rule of law.
We are also committed to humanitarian protection and a two state solution, as indicated by the Honorable Prime Minister, Ari pronunciation correct.
Kamala Pasad Bisa because I know you've noticed you struggled a little bit with it.
We have formally recognized the state of Palestine and we have also stood and reiterated our long standing support for Palestinian self determination and the possibility of a two state solution.
We have also reaffirmed and reaffirmed Israel's right to exist And in making those statements, it was one of P Peace pro law and again, a pro two state solution.
We condemned the October 7th hamas led attacks, and we criticize the scale of civilian suffering in Gaza.
And we pressed the international community in many fora, including right here at the UN June 2025.
Where we call for an end to the conflict.
Turn Bego in its tenure, should we get on the security council, will continue to condemn terrorism, hostage taking, and attacks on civilians.
We will continue to call for an immediate, durable and fully implemented ceasefire.
We will continue to call for humanitarian access along the humanitarian corridor.
We will continue to advocate for all parties to comply with international humanitarian law and support accountability for violations of any party involved in that.
We are also supportive of the reconstruction efforts in Gaza by appropriately negotiated governance frameworks, and we reaffirm our recognition of the Palestinian state and its people.
As far as the second question is concerned, I will close my book for this one.
Trinidad and Tobago is 7 miles off the coast of Venezuela.
We are deeply committed to our neighbors, and we are fully supportive of the people of Venezuela.
We have recognized the interim president of Venezuela, Her Excellency Delcii Rodriguez.
A great deal of crime and violence in my country emanates from drug trafficking coming from mainland South America and I'm not yet a name and name countries, but a great source of the crime and violence, as I intimated opening remarks.
San Tobago heavily debated the issue of international law when it came to the strikes on vessels outside our territorial waters.
My Prime Minister wholeheartedly supported those strikes, again, debating international law.
Let me tell you two things.
Number one, we had 627 murders last year, as I said earlier, between January and February of 2026.
Yes, we had a state of emergency in the country.
Our crime rate between January and February as a result of those strikes and our state of emergency dropped 42% between January and February, showing evidentially a statistical correlation between striking those narco boots and curbing the violence in my country.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you, moderator.
Thank you very much.
And now I give the floor to Ambassador Chavan Ho.
Thank you, William and thank you to the colleagues from civil society for those questions.
In terms of the situation in the Middle East, our approach is that there is to be full respect for the United Nations Charter, international law, and also respect for the protection of civilians in any conflict and humanitarian access, and we would promote the peaceful settlement of disputes.
For us, our role in council is really to support dialogue to avoid inflammatory language, which are transpositions.
Also to make sure that diplomacy triumphs, diplomacy is not weakness, but it is strength.
We support the existence of both Israel and Palestine and with the two states existing side by side peacefully within internationally recognized borders.
As for us is we want to support dialogue more than violence.
We have seen that the continuous violence is not resolving anything.
For us, we think that dialogue is what should triumph.
Then in terms of the handling of the both in the Atlantic, we think that this is really a question of human rights, that, um, um, human rights have to be observed in all of these in the context of of relations, in the contact of nations.
So there need for proportionality, that what we are dealing with, if if, um, it is a drug trafficking, it is dealt as such as trafficking and and that it's proportional and that there is a respect for um, in terms of the handling of the aftermath of these eliminations, that there's respect for international law.
So for us, that would be the response, I think.
Thank you very much.
We now turn to questions that have been submitted online by CSO representatives and we receive three questions and I will read each of the three, and then I will turn it over to the ambassadors for their response.
The first question is from Aul Yakim from the Global Security Institute.
The question is, I am interested in how incoming members will manage the complex dual use nature of digital public infrastructure.
As your nations lead significant regional initiatives such as Zimbabwe's national AI strategy and Trinidad and Tobago's leadership in SIS 2.0, how will you use your seat on the council to ensure that the global push for AI sovereignty and open source infrastructure enhances collective security rather than creating new digital vulnerabilities for developing nations? Furthermore, how will your missions advocate for technical standards that protect the sovereign interests of smaller or emerging economies in the face of rapid AI military integration? Second question is from doctor Tita Banks of UNAUSA.
There has been much concern regarding the perceived effectiveness of the UN in addressing civil and international conflict.
Some of this is due to resources, authority, and international coordination.
What would be your suggestions for the increased utilization of regional organizations such as Carcom and EchoS et cetera, in assisting facilitating conflict resolutions? What is your assessment of previous utilization and effectiveness of these organizations working with the UN? The third question is from Lady T Thompson, also from UNAUSA.
Recognizing the normative obligations embedded within the UN Security Council Resolution 13 25 and its subsequent resolutions, how do you intend to operationalize a materially enforceable women peace and security framework during active conflicts, particularly in contexts where gender based violence, including conflict related sexual violence and technology facilitated exploitation is both systemic and under reported? We will begin this round with giving the floor to Ambassador Muchvo H.
Thank you, William.
For us, we see the development of artificial intelligence is something that is really revolutionary and that could assist us in terms of problem solving, in terms of quickening the pace of our work.
Um, so artificial intelligence, we see it largely as something positive, but the development of artificial intelligence is when we look at it holistically, is also something that comes with challenges, especially deployment in the military and in the security domains, for example, we think that, um, For that, we have to be fully cognizant of international law including the Charter of the United Nations where applicable and also international humanitarian law and international human rights law in terms of the potential violations of the use of the AI, especially the technologies, where, for example, they could be, the misuse of AI in terms of promoting violence, promoting it, and also election interference and other illicit financial flows, attacking critical infrastructure and trafficking also in small arms and light weapons and so forth.
We think that there's room for international governance, for collective governance of artificial intelligence, then as governments, we We then promote through mulateral dialogue, they bring into space in the United Nations system, a system of AI governance, where there is a human control, especially into those areas where AI can be in violation even of our own moral ethics.
We think that there's room for AI, which is really advanced in terms of what we do and how we think, but then there's also room for controlling it in terms of international peace and security.
So this is how we would manage the issue of artificial intelligence.
In terms of women, peace and security, the framework, we think that 13 25, we just talked about it and we don't do much in terms of practice.
For Zimbabwe, we have seen this in practice.
Where our women in uniform have been deployed, where they have worked with women in those conflict written areas.
We've seen that if you involve women in peace processes, you are bound to have a durable peace.
You are bound to have more comprehensive peace.
We have seen that it is more helpful if you involve women more.
So the framework for us would be to start especially the promotion of peace in conflict region areas involving women and mainstreaming the involvement of women in all these areas.
So for us, we need to do more in terms of women in the women peace and security agenda, I think.
That's the person you have before.
Thank you, if I recall it, artificial intelligence, regional organizations and women and Peace.
Thank you.
For artificial intelligence, I thank you the online audience for the three questions posed.
As far as artificial intelligence is concerned, as we all know, the United Nations has been charged with global governance framework for that and we also indicated earlier that one of our priorities is artificial intelligence and global security with a niche for security.
We understand the strategic risks involved artificial intelligence.
Particularly as it relates, given the example I gave earlier of autonomous weapons.
We also see the risk being disinformation and creating new forms of inequality.
Between technologically advanced states and developing countries, particularly as it relates to access to technology and the training and development required to build capacity to use those technologies appropriately.
We also appreciate that we as small states, and I speak on behalf of SIDS, particularly, you mentioned SIDS 2.0, are the most vulnerable when it comes to cyber vulnerabilities.
Again, coming back to the capacity for training and development and access to the right technologies, including hardware and software against those threats and its ability to undermine accountability.
However, we also feel that they've governed appropriately.
It can be useful tools for strengthening early warning for conflict analysis for peacekeeping, for logistics, civilian protection, humanitarian needs forecasting, food security, among many others.
From a Trinidan to on the council, however, we see it both as an opportunity for national development of our member states and to be used as a global security tool if used appropriately.
We believe in a people centered digital shift.
In fact, I'm proud to tell you were actually one of the first cohorts of open AIs education for countries implemented at a national level for students in my own country, where we use it for youth empowerment, digital inclusion, O creation, of course, equity across the digital tool axes.
We will like to be in a position to advocate for responsible military artificial intelligence, protection against AI enabled crime, including cybercrime, fraud, trafficking, financial abuse, and very importantly, disinformation.
We see it as an opportunity for peace building and development, and we will be advocating for inclusive UN governance around the agenda, whereby small states, including CDS, Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions, shape the global AI rules, not just the big powers and power diffusers such as big tech.
As far as the regional agenda and regional partners are concerned, we see them as essential partners.
We know they are appropriately enabled by Chapter eight of the UN Charter and they are particularly supported by Articles 52, 53, and 54.
We think regional organizations have three distinct advantages.
Firstly, proximity to the root causes, political knowledge and operational access.
They understand regional history, leadership dynamics, cross border networks, various tensions in their respective regions, migration patterns, and very importantly, informal political channels.
I speak of Carm, I speak of the African Union, I speak of ECOWAS, Organization of American States in Washington, DC, where I used to be very useful partners to be engaged as part of an overall enabling ecosystem of partnerships.
As far as Trinag is concerned, we would like to see it influencing our council operations, particularly as it relates to political intelligence, early warnings, using them as convening platforms.
And particularly in the area of peace and security deployments, we have seen them quite useful.
And the last question was on women peace and security.
For women peace and security, the agenda for us is similar to what His Excellency described from Zimbabwe.
We believe that sustainable peace will be strengthened with the participation of women, particularly in areas of peace negotiations and political processes, especially political transitioning in between governments.
It's vital.
We see it as a useful agenda to protection from conflict related sexual violence, gender based violence, if addressed as a security issue.
Early warning prevention systems, especially when you embed gender indicators of risk.
Of course, you must have a measured level of accountability and outcomes when it comes to mandate renewals.
We should be asking ourselves at the level of the council every time we have a mandate to renew, where are women in the political process.
It's something I feel very strongly about because it gives us an opportunity to keep continuously refreshing the agenda, to remind ourselves, we cannot ignore 50% of the population.
Thank you, moderator.
Thank you very much, Ambassadors, for your answers.
We have time now to open up the floor.
Yes.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Sorry for interrupting, William.
I noticed that when I answered, I left the issue of regional organizations, and I think EPS was given as an example.
And because for us, it's one of our priority areas.
So I thought I should not leave this out.
And and I really need to indicate that Zimbabwe strongly believes that regional organizations have an indispensable role to to play in the maintenance of international peace and security.
As I think has already been alluded to, regional organizations do possess deeper knowledge in the contextual understanding of conflicts in most of these areas because of their proximity to the conflicts and also, we think that they carry greater legitimacy in terms of the affected populations whenever they make their representations.
And their involvement therefore, strengthens the effectiveness and credibility and sustainability of any peace process that then comes about.
So in Africa, as I have indicated in my opening remarks, the African Union and other sub regional organizations, I think EPA was mentioned, but there's also SADC, East African community and others.
They've consistently demonstrated their commitment to conflict prevention, mediation, peace support operations, and the other under extremely difficult conditions, we put together forces under difficult financial conditions and address peace situations in our regions.
Zimbabwe therefore supports a stronger cooperation between the Security Council and regional organizations, particularly through regular consultations is already happens between the Security Council and the Peace and Security Council, and also we encourage joint planning, coordinated coordinating of mandates and that there has to be predictable financing arrangements because the responsibility for international peace and security lies with the Security Council.
Because of that, we think that the Security Council has to make a contribution to peace efforts which are being carried out originally, and the coming about of resolution 27 19, which we think should now be implemented.
We support the use of regional organizations to push and promote peace in our regions.
I think.
Thank you, Ambassador for those very important additional comments.
We will now open the floor.
If you wish to ask a question, please raise your hand and one of our colleagues on this side and that side will come over with a piece of paper.
All you need to do is write the name of either your mission or your NGO.
You don't need to write your name or the question.
I just need the name of your NGO or your mission, and then we will give you the floor.
We'll give you just a minute to do that.
Excuse me.
We will take three questions at a time.
The first three that I received were from the Mission of Angola, Namibia, and then the Mission of Austria.
So let's start with Angola.
You have the floor.
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
First, Angola welcomes the convening of this World Federation UN Association annual election briefing, and we believe that this platform since 2018 has offered a dialogue opportunity between the candidates of the Security Council and the member states and NGOs as well and civil society.
Let me congratulate first, Zimbabwe, Tina Tobago on their uncontested candidature for the 2027 2028 Security Council term reflect the confidence placed in them by African group and Gulac respectively, and we are looking forward to work closely with you.
We welcome Trinidad and Tobago's commitment to address the issue of deep concern to small and developing states, including ill armed trafficking, women, peace and security, protection of vulnerable communities, and the threat post of artificial intelligence.
And also, we take this opportunity to welcome your announcement to work closely with 83 plus.
Angola also salute Zimbabwe candidation and its team advancing 21st century solution for global peace and security through multilateralism.
Zimbabwe priorities in conflict resolution AU Silence the Ghan Initiative, among others, resonates deeply with Angola.
We look forward to Zimbabwe contribution to a more representative Security Council.
We have two questions.
My first question goes to Trin and Tobago.
And the Security Council is increasingly called upon to address complex multinational threats from climate related instability to the proliferation of non state armed groups including terrorism.
What innovative measures do you intend to introduce to shift the dynamic within the Security Council and accelerate the agenda of conflict prevention management, resolution, particularly for the most vulnerable region of the world? And second question, my second question will go to Zimbabwe.
The Finance for EU led Peace support operation which you has already mentioned has been persistent point of friction in the relationship between the United Nations and the African Union.
The Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 27 19 back in 2023.
Yet two years on, it remains unimplemented.
How do you intend to galvanize support from Security Council members for its full operationalization, and what concrete step will you champion to ensure that peace operation have access to predictable, adequate and sustainable funding they required.
Thank you.
Next, we'll take a question from the permanent mission of Namibia.
If you can raise your hand so we can okay.
Thank you, moderator.
Let me join those who spoke before me to thank the World Federation of the United Nations Associations for organizing this dialogue, which offers us an opportunity to engage and interrogate Security Council candidates before their election to this important body.
We congratulate also the two incoming members of its members of non permanent seats in the Security Council.
Namibia acknowledges the pledge by Trinidad and Tobago on further advancing the WPS agenda, which emanates from the Security Council Resolution 13 25 adopted during Namibia's presidency of the Council in October 2000, which would be critical to strengthen peace mechanisms around the world at a time when meaningful preventive measures, mediation, and negotiations are deeply needed to resolve disputes by peaceful means.
My question is, how do you foresee the WPS agenda practically advancing further in these challenging times? To our comrades from Southern Africa, we are delighted to have heard about the famous Resolution 435 that paved the way for Namibia's independence despite its efforts being vetoed three times In the Security Council, that being 1974, 2076, and 2081, but eventually brought lasting and durable peace to our country, which just celebrated its 30 60th independence anniversary.
I have to acknowledge Zimbwe's unwavering support as a frontline state for our independence.
The question is, after saving twice on the security council, how does Zimbabwe plan to build on its legacy, to further advance international peace and security in the polarized security council.
Thank you.
Thank you for your question and the last question will come from the DPR of Austria.
You have the floor.
Thank you, moderator.
First of all, I'd also like to thank Funa for organizing this interactive and very informative discussion and I would like to thank the permanent representatives of Trinidad Tobago and Zimbabwe for their presentations and for the answers provided thus far.
If I may, I would also have a question as a candidate for the UN Security Council 2027 28 ourselves.
We ask ourselves one question quite a lot and it is the following.
How would you assess a successful membership when you're on the council, especially also when it comes to impact, I would like to hear from you what your thoughts are on this.
Of course, we are looking forward to seeing you on the council from the 1st of January onwards.
Thank you.
Thank you.
We will begin this round with Ambassador Parson.
Thank you.
I believe I was posed a question by Angola, which is on conflict prevention, and a similar overlapping question from WPS and conflict prevention and Austria for measuring success.
As far as conflict prevention is concerned, let me start with the UN charter.
We all know the UN charter has been designed not merely to respond to war, but to prevent it.
I think we can all agree in this room that prevention is a lot more cost effective, more humane, and more sustainable than reacting to when violence erupts.
To contribution to the council, as far as conflict prevention is concerned, we want to push the mandate of early warning systems, practice in responsible and practical preventative diplomacy, support mediation as best as we can.
Create a focus on peace building investments, particularly in the African continent and probably most importantly, engage in meaningful measurable root cause analysis and determination of problems.
Not just treating symptoms, but getting to the etiological basis of disease and conflict.
What does that look like? We want to support a preventative and an integrated approach, and we appreciate the interconnectedness of security, development, resilience, and an overall governance framework for it.
That's how we plan to approach conflict prevention.
As far as the WPS angle is concerned, We believe that the women and peace and security agenda must be operational and not just symbolic.
We believe from a practical point of view, the question then becomes, how do we include the role of women as negotiators, mediators, local peace builders, civil society representative, survivors network, youth leaders, and community led organizations, their direct involvement.
I think we must also pay attention to support and sanctions against individuals and entities responsible If prevention didn't work and acts are committed, what is our accountability framework for those acts? That's a deep question we should be asking ourselves.
As far as the Caribbean is concerned, let me ho ho into the region a bit.
Ours is a bit different, meaning the woman peace and security agenda does not necessarily relate to civil war or civil unrest.
For us, it's about arms, it's about the effects of gangs, trafficking, and organized crime.
The question for us then becomes, how do we use these nuances and idiosyncrasies specific to these regions and assess the root causes of women and the agenda as it relates to not civil war, traditional warfare is concerned.
Lastly, we see an opportunity to integrate the woman and Peace agenda into all country specific files, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Afghanistan, to name a few.
And I mentioned a point earlier about prosecuting our own selves.
And thank you Excellency for using the word interrogative session, not prosecutorial session on mandate renewal.
What does that look like for us as we renew mandates, directly engage the issue of the WPS agenda within the powers of those mandates.
And I believe the last question was on measuring our success.
Measurement at the level of the Security Council becomes a bit of a challenge.
It's not necessarily quantitative.
There are no clear key performance indicators.
Number of resolution is a good example of a quantitative KPI.
But qualitatively, I think it's where we will need to assess our ability to strengthen consensus building, meaningfully support vulnerable populations, enhance inclusion of women and youth.
What progress are we making on preventative diplomacy? How do we measure engagement in a meaningful way with civil society, and what tangible contributions are we making to peace building and conflict prevention? If I'm to ask my own self, at the end of this two or three year session, should we get any council, what does success in terms of, I don't want to use the word legacy, but an appreciable outcome for us looks like.
I would say principle diplomacy was practice, inclusivity was evident, and we engage in pragmatic, constructive dialogue throughout the period.
Thank you, Moderator.
Thank you, Ambassador, you have the floor now.
Thank you, Mr.
Moderator.
I'll start from the bottom and say we all grapple with this question of how do you measure success at the end of your term? And for us, really, success is measured not by how loudly or radical we are how loudly we speak or simply by the number of resolutions adopted, but by whether we have helped council to act more reasonably, more responsibly, whether we have the council to listen more widely and to respond more effectively.
We would also hope, of course, to contribute to a stronger African participation in peace and security decisions, more credible support for peace operations, we've always advocated for the implementation of 27 19, greater attention to root causes of conflict of instability, which is one of our priorities, and also practical progress on women and youth participation, which is also one of our priorities.
For us, if at the end of our term, Zimbabwe is remembered as a principled a constructive, prepared, and fair member of the council, we think we would have served well even without resolutions to our name.
Then regarding what we bring after our two terms, I think this was asked by I explains the ambas of Namibia after our first two terms, and this term, what does Zimbabwe bring to the table to advance what we've already done.
I think I will repeat some of the things that I've just said.
I think Zimbabwe will bring to the table principle, practical experience in terms of the experience that I have already shared earlier of our women and men in uniform.
And also, we think we will bring a an African perspective, which is grounded in multilateralism, grounded in lived experience on the ground.
And also, I've already alluded to our experience in peacekeeping and humanitarian response and regional cooperation and post conflict development, which really have taught us that, peace is not sustained by resolutions alone, that it requires trust, local ownership, adequate resources, and of course, international cooperation, and of course, like I've already said, attention to the root causes of conflict.
So for us, what we bring is to be able to be a bridge builder, to be firm on the charter, to be respectful of sovereignty, to be attentive to protection of civilians, and to be committed to solutions that ensure that go beyond the meeting rooms.
Then the next one it has to do with I think this is almost like a repeat of what we've already answered regarding 27 19.
Zimbabwe regards Security Council Resolution 27 19 as a landmark achievement in terms of strengthening African ownership of peace and security efforts.
What we really need now is its implementation.
So if elected would advocate for its full and practical implementation, particularly the operationalization of this predictable and sustainable and flexible financing for African Union led peace support operations which are authorized by the Security Council.
Because like I said, at the end of the day, it is the responsibility of the Security Council itself for international peace and security.
So if a regional organization is carrying the burden, I think the more reason why the Security Council should come with its uh in full force with its power of resources and influence to assist the regional body.
So Zimbabwe will therefore be clear in terms of the need for implementation mechanisms.
We will need transparent and accountable financing arrangements and closer consultation between the United Nations and the African Union as mandates are created.
I think this is already happening, I think, happened in Somalia.
I remember I was in Adis Ababa and when I EU SOM was negotiated, the Security Council was part of it.
So this cooperation needs to continue and to be deepened.
Then the other issue has to do with climate related instability.
For us in Southern Africa, climate change, of course, is a reality.
It's not a distant phenomenon.
Phenomenon, we are being on the receiving end of cyclones, of drought across Southern Africa affecting including Zimbabwe.
Climate change is real.
Of course, in other parts of the world like small island developing states, the devastation is even more in terms of, uh, uh, wiping out of GDPs in just one climate affliction.
So we would support context specific discussions of these climate related security risks, particularly where they affect issues of, prevention, resilience, displacement, and also resource related tensions.
For us, this is an important issue.
I know that can is too contentious in terms of, uh, the nexus between a peace and security.
But for us, we think we can keep knocking on the door.
We start with those issues which clearly affect peace and security and climate related.
I thank you.
Thank you very much for these answers.
We have two more missions that I have requested the floor.
I first turn to the DPR of Germany.
Yes.
Thank you, Chair and many thanks for organizing this very useful exchange and Ambassador Mr.
Ivano and Ambassador Blass many thanks for your very frank answers.
I think a very inspiring discussion and our full support for your tenure on the Security Council next year from our side.
A lot of what I wanted to ask has been some indirectly addressed by you and asked for other delegations.
It was the idea that you both mentioned that we have to think the security in a more larger than narrower conflict resolution mode.
When you mentioned the climate dimension, I think ambassador said, development and security ultimately cannot be separated.
I think this is particularly relevant when it comes to post conflict situations and prevention.
I wanted to ask you, we believe that other bodies of the United Nations like the Peace Building Commission, the Ecosoc can play a particularly important role when it comes to consolidation post conflict conciliation and prevention.
And I would like to have both of your thoughts on how to improve the interaction between the Security Council and the Peace Feeling Commission and the EcoSoc for really getting to root causes and long term solutions for peace.
Thank you.
Now I give the floor to the permanent mission of Guyana.
Yes.
Thank you very much, William and thank you for doing this.
You and Bufuna, of course.
Let me congratulate Ambassador Tong, Ambassador O'Neil and commiserate in equal proportions too as you enter the trauma room of the United Nations.
But I want to wish you all the best as you do that.
I have two questions and one relates to the resolution 27 19, which Ambassador Tonga referenced.
I and when that resolution was passed in 2023, it was seen as a major step forward in terms of the Security Council's collaboration with regional organizations.
However, we're in 2026 and the resolution has not been implemented.
What are some of the practical steps that you envisage could be taken to have that resolution implemented.
Secondly, It's on peacekeeping and peace operations.
There is a view that in many situations where we have peacekeeping missions, there is no peace to keep.
What is needed is peace enforcement operations.
One can perhaps look at Haiti and see that as an enforcement operation.
I just wanted to know your view on that and what could possibly be the composition of a peace enforcement operation and the difference between that and a peacekeeping mission.
And the second related question to that is that there's a view that some of these peace peacekeeping missions have been going on for decades without a political pathway.
And the view is that there should be a political pathway alongside the peacekeeping missions.
Do you subscribe to that view and would this be something you would take up when you're on the council? In other words, you don't have a peacekeeping mission for 50 years and the matter remains on resolved, given the cost and other such factors.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much for these questions, and we will start this round with Ambassador Msuya Hou.
Thank you, Mr.
Moderator, and thank you for getting my name right again and again and again.
Thank you.
In terms of the um peace the cooperation between the Security Council and the Peace Building Commission and also EPSO What we believe in Zimbabwe is that the principal organs of the United Nations should function in complementarity, and that they should be mutually reinforcing.
So we support greater transparency and communication between the Security Council, the General Assembly, and in this case, the Peace Building Commission and also ECOSOC.
Uh, we think that ECOSOC of course, there's an elected membership, but in terms of the numbers and the peace Building Commission, these bodies are quite representative in terms of members of the United Nations.
So we think that their views matter, and we think that the agendas that they pursue are complementary in terms of building peace, in terms of the peace Building commission and ECOSOC what we know is that if we apply the peace Building Commission, for example, to a situation which is likely to be conflictual, we find that we will spend much, much less than if we were then eventually send a peacekeeping force.
So the peace building commission is quite an important role.
Uh, which will cost us much less, especially in terms of human lives, if we applied it much more vigorously than now.
So there is complementarity, but also there is need to, um, to make sure that we always work in alignment in terms of not in silos.
Because sometimes what is happening is that the Security Council works on its own and jealously guards its staff and does not communicate unless there's a resolution in place to report to the General Assembly.
I think we need to increase the cooperation, the synergies between these organizations.
In terms of, um, Well, I can't remember the other question.
Peacekeeping and peace enforcement issues.
I think in terms of that, what we have seen in my own experience is that especially regional bodies, they are much more able to do peace enforcement than would be the case with the mandates of the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations peacekeeping forces.
So we think we need to um, do more in terms of integrating the forces that are able to do more robust peace enforcement from the regional bodies.
For example, the peace support operation in Somalia, their mandate is much more robust than a peacekeeping force if there was a peacekeeping force of the United Nations.
We need to support these forces much more because they support the governments much, much more.
I think I will end it there.
Thank you.
Thank you, Ambassador Parson.
Thank you very much.
Similarly, as far as the cooperation is concerned, it's a very good question and we understand the first of all, the legal limits of some of those cooperation frameworks.
As my colleague rightfully pointed out, the Um, I will help but don't touch my tooth in some instances, disposition.
That's real, but the formula really has to be one of syngism, one of complementarity, one of our ability to sit back, look at this thing holistically and align agendas accordingly for the greater good.
That requires in some instances, almost selfless self prosecution of your own agendas to make things happen.
I think the channels of communication needs to be some very much open.
If I'm to extricate myself the policy will realize this becomes equivalent of an informal joint venture.
What can we work together almost synergistically to make things happen in a meaningful way and create very clear implementation pathways within our own constraints to make that happen.
I think it will also take a great deal of innovation in terms of thinking it through.
Especially if we have to create a successful outcome where you have to look at an all of UN approach to making that happen.
But I agree with you, the General Assembly, Security Council, EcoSc particularly Lincoln, the peace security and development agenda.
There's no peace and security.
If peace and security, residential development, development would not need the peace and security, they have to work under that.
As far as the peace keeping and peace enforcement, I think asked by the distinguished representative of Guyana and my friend Carolyn totally agree with you on the approach, meaning Peace enforcement, first of all, let us go back to the basics.
Is it within the ambit of international law, international humanitarian law and the UN chart? I think that's the first question we have to ask ourselves.
The reality on the ground is, how can these entities also work collaboratively, cooperatively, if not collusively, with the local authorities and the local actors to ensure success? I think that is part of it as well and also looking at the inherent flexibility of some of the mandates we inherit to execute on some of these missions.
It will require some thoughtful integration of mission work itself and also thinking through what a stronger coordination framework could look like between the parties.
A good example of that is what we presently faced with the onboarding of the gang suppression force in Haiti and what would that look like going forward.
Thank you, moderator.
Thank you very much.
We have one question from CSO representative.
Henry Ramirez Solar, I hope I'm pronouncing your name correctly from Proclat International.
Yes, please.
Okay.
Thank you so much for this opportunity.
My name is Henry Ramirez.
I'm from Colombia, but we are following the Security Council, the situation for Haiti, Colombia, and Republica Democratic of Congo.
Thank you so much for this opportunity.
My question is very simple.
As a member of the Security Council, would you be open to listen to civil society at different moments and to create appropriate mechanism that the voice of the communities at the organization can be here during the Security Council section or in other space of the Security Council? Ambassador Parsons, we begin with you.
Sure.
Thank you for the question.
Listen, civil society, five oh one C three based organizations and Jews, they are part of what I call a three legged stool of any society.
Government, academia, private sector, civil society organizations.
Without one leg, the tool would not stand.
They are important actors.
I believe The local intelligence, their understanding of the granularity of issues faced at a hyperlocal level should not be underestimated.
I think they're in a position to listen directly to those who are affected.
We would love to see an open, transparent, inclusive approach, and embracing civil society.
We would commit ourselves to greater inclusion, the stronger consultation, especially when it comes to supporting women led and youth led organizations.
I think that's critical.
Enhanced protection for civil society actors, especially when in conflict zones.
I think that's often underestimated, but it's a critical point and greater cooperation as a whole between civil society and the UN system.
As a member state, we are co owners of this instrument, and you have our commitment to do so.
Ambassador.
Thank you.
Our view is that civil society helps counsel to see beyond formal reports and our unusual diplomatic language.
We think that civil society brings to the table in some instances lived experience, early warning.
Sometimes they have local knowledge and can bring up issues of accountability.
So Zimbabwe would support meaningful engagement with civil society, including women's organizations, youth representatives, humanitarian actors, and community peace builders.
It's usually just depends on context.
So our message to civil society is that we value your voice.
We are, after all, going into council to be able to be good listeners before we are good actors.
And after all, the uh the charter starts with, we the peoples of the United Nations.
So we think that civil society will help us to ensure that these words are not just merely engraved in history, but that these words are ways that are lived in practice.
Apart from us governments being also coming from the people, civil society will also help us reach some parts of of the countries in conflict where we may not be able to reach.
So it will be important to dialogue with civil society so that we appreciate diverse perspectives, and so we're committed to listening to civil society.
In before Council, we've been listening to civil society.
Thank you, Mr.
A.
Thank you very much.
This concludes the Q&A segment of this briefing.
And now, I would like to turn the floor over to the ambassadors for their closing remarks, beginning with Ambassador Msuya, who The participants, both physically here and some virtually on the thoughtful questions and the reflections that we shared.
For us, this conversation has really reinforced why such platforms matter.
They bring the work of the Security Council closer to the people and remind us that the United Nations must remain connected to the hopes, concerns, and expectations of the people.
So for Zimbabwe, this has been an opportunity not only to present our candidate, but also to listen to reflect and to learn.
So the questions raised today have really sharpened our understanding and the expectations placed on us as elected members of council, carrying that general Assembly mandate, the certain expectations that we think we will now carry if we get elected.
So in that sense, this experience has really made us a better candidate.
Are more attentive, more prepared, and more conscious of the responsibility that comes with service.
So Zimbabwe seeks this election to cancel in a spirit of humility, partnership and also in a spirit of purpose.
Our approach is anchored, like I've already said, in dialogue, diplomacy, respect for sovereignty, attention to the root causes of conflict, a stronger cooperation with regional organizations and full participation of women in peace processes.
We are also conscious that council is a collective body, that no country acts alone.
So its effectiveness depends on listening, bridge building, on the courage for us to pursue solutions, even in difficult times.
So as we move to June 3rd, Zimbabwe remains grateful for the support and encouragement and advice that we have been receiving from member states, from civil society.
So we seek this seat for service.
So we stand ready to contribute to research for peace in the world.
I thank you.
Thank you very much.
And now I give the floor to Ambassador Parsons to conclude this briefing.
Sean, I thank you very much, Moderator.
Thank you, moderator.
Thank you to your team, the organizers who put this together.
It was a very useful practical exercise for my delegation and I appreciate that.
I also thank all of you for bearing my accent.
I'm consuming the time here for the last 2 hours in the room.
I also thank my colleague for joining and I thank myself for being here as well.
You can get better.
I have noted your concerns and issues raised.
We will take it back and give it a great deal of thought and we need to leverage the common currency we all have here at the United Nations, which is one of trust, partnership and meaningful dialogue.
I believe that's your tagline as well, Austria.
But we believe our three priority areas, mutually reinforce each other.
The women and peace and security agenda, I believe, strengthens legitimacy, inclusion, and prevention.
We think that our curbing the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons is a means to an end in terms of dealing with violence, disruption of organized crime, and would in the long term help stabilize communities.
Of course, the AI and security governance agenda can address rapidly evolving systemic risk, which can accelerate conflict and undermine institutions and public trust.
We hope that we have a modern understanding of what sustainable and peace and security would look like, and we will appreciate your support and vote in the upcoming elections, and we want to assure you that we will approach these issues with seriousness, with balance, with humanity, and with a full commitment to international peace and security.
You will have a reliable, practical partner in Roman.
Thank you very much, Moderito.
Thank you very much.
We sincerely thank all of you for participating in the UN Security Council election briefing today.
I would like to extend a special thank you to the ambassadors and their teams and their time and commitment to this initiative.
We also wish to thank the delegations that participated in the audience and those who have joined us online, as well as the civil society organizations and representatives for their participation.
Thank you, and we hope to see you at our last debate for 2026 held with the candidates of the Asia Pacific Regional Group tomorrow at 1:15 in the ECOSOC Chamber As well, please join us for future iterations of our dialogues and briefings.
Have a great rest of your day and a great weekend.
Thank you.
Thank you.