I call to order the ninth informal meeting of the plenary on the question of equitable representation on an increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the council.
My fellow co chair and I would like to extend warm welcome to all of you.
We would like to thank all delegations for their active and constructive participation during the IGN plenary on 20 April.
We would also like to express our gratitude to delegations for their participation during the informal discussion, the taxil talks on 18 May.
As indicated in our letter dated May, this meeting will reconvene the discussion on the five clusters.
As we reconvene the discussion on the five clusters, we would also like to briefly reflect on the developments in the IGN over the course of this session.
We began this session of the IGN with a discussion on the five clusters and since then we have witnessed active and constructive engagement from member states throughout both the plenary meetings and the informal discussions.
In particular, we are pleased to see the presentation of the long awaited African model, which was welcomed and appreciated by many delegations as an important contribution to these discussions.
In the light of the discussion held in the IGN and the voiced sense of urgency, the co chair is also presented a bridging proposal termed fixed regional seats.
This proposal aims to give a sense of direction and seeks to safeguard regional interests in the permanent category, while also taking into account the framework and parameters contained in the Pact for the future.
That means that principles such as democracy and accountability would be anchored while focusing on flexibility and future proofing.
While such seats would be accompanied by individual member states who are accountable on a national level, the proposal aims to strengthen the representation of regions through longer term seats that have all privileges and responsibilities of the current members.
Under this approach, the Security Council would be expanded by approximately six to seven additional seats allocated on a regional basis, ensuring that the major regional groupings of the United Nations receive more equitable representation within the council.
Importantly, these seats would not be permanently assigned to specific states.
Instead, they would be elected through the General Assembly.
States occupying these seats would serve longer renewable terms and could be re elected.
This structure would provide greater continuity and institutional memory within the council while still preserving accountability to the wider membership.
While no reform model can perfectly realize sovereign equality of states, fixed regional seats offer perhaps the closest approximation within the institutional framework of the council.
Both to ensure effectiveness and accountability, the model would also include a review clause allowing member states to periodically Sorry about that.
Periodically it says how the new structure is functioning and whether adjustments may be deemed necessary.
We wish to emphasize that the elements outlined above are intended solely as guiding points to facilitate constructive discussions among member states.
A number of important aspects, including inter duration of terms, the frequency of re elections and other modalities remain open for further consideration and elaboration by member states should there be interest in advancing discussions on this matter.
The co chairs remain committed to ensuring that the process continues to be a member state driven transparent and inclusive process.
We remain open to engaging further with delegation on all models and proposals, hoping to bring delegations closer together and work towards a consolidated model for reform.
For this plenary session on the debate on the five clusters, we posed the following guiding questions to delegations, focusing on the themes that are essential to the final package, but have been less highlighted in the previous meetings.
These questions should not limit the discussion in any way.
What are the views of delegations regarding the working methods of the council and the size of an enlarged council? In what way did the parameters as set out in the pact for the future, affect the position of delegations with regard to reform of the Security Council, in particular, vis-à-vis the parameters in Action 39 and the interim measures outlined in Action 41? Are there any developments in delegations positions, including new proposals, ideas, or potential areas of convergence that delegations would wish to put forward? Delegations are invited to inscribed on the list of speakers via e delegate and the live link to the list of speakers was circulated to all delegations.
At this stage, any delegation who wishes to be added to the existing list of speakers should inform the Secretariat table.
Any delegation wishing to speak on behalf of a group of states should inform the Secretariat in order to be given priority.
We also encourage delegations to adhere to the time limits we have established.
Statements delivered on behalf of a group of states will be limited to 5 minutes and national statements will be limited to 3 minutes.
To assist speakers with time management, we have projected the on screen timer on the screens.
We truly look forward to working closely with all delegations this session in a spirit of cooperation, transparency, and collective resolve to advance meaningful progress on security council reform.
Once the list of speakers is exhausted, we will hold an interactive discussion on the five clusters and allow for member states and groups of states to respond to views and proposals put forth during the meetings in a closed meeting without webcast.
Before we begin, I would like to remind members that delegations are encouraged to email a copy of their statements to etments at un.org for the publication on the repository website, as well as to facilitate interpretation.
I'm happy to give the floor to the distinguished representative of India on behalf of the group of four.
Distinguished co chairs, excellencies and colleagues.
I deliver this statement on behalf of G four, a reform oriented group consisting of Brazil, Germany, Japan, and my own country, India.
At the outset, I would like to thank the co chairs, Brother Ambassador Tarek, the permanent representative of Kuwait and Ambassador Liz, the permanent representative of the Kingdom of Netherlands, for the leadership of the IGN in this session.
Today's discussion on the five clusters is a good platform for a comprehensive stock taking of the IGN process, including an objective assessment of progress achieved, if any, and charting a realistic way forward to implement a meaningful reforms of the UN Security Council.
I'd like to make the following points against this backdrop.
First, the African model was presented last month in this IGN and the G four once again thank our friends from the African continent for their tireless efforts towards this end.
As the African model presentation was earlier projected as a catalyst that could impart momentum to the discussions, conditions are now in place for us to cease the inconsequential repetition of statements and move towards a consolidated model.
Second, the G four kindly requests that the elements paper for the session accurately capture the views and sentiments of a majority of member states in an objective manner.
The G four reiterates that a majority supports expansion in both categories.
Further, characterizing this support as merely significant does not accurately reflect the views of the majority.
Again, we are hopeful that this will be suitably addressed in the elements paper for this session.
Third, the G four has clearly articulated that a consolidated model must lead to text based negotiations.
Such a model must be drawn up in an objective manner and solely in accordance with the views expressed by various groups and member states in IGN discussions.
A consolidated model is a starting point for discussion, not an endpoint designed for consensus or the lowest common denominator.
Fourth, it is imperative to avoid procedural hurdles.
We have a longstanding practice on UN negotiations as well as a clear mandate before us.
We cannot stress enough that possible bridging proposals and hybrid ideas must evolve from discussions among groups and member states on the basis of text negotiation.
Efforts to consider such proposals and ideas before the formulation of and discussion on a text would be an instance of placing the cart before the horse.
Furthermore, it would mean discarding views and proposals even before the start of a negotiation process.
Fifth, the G four has already underscored its flexibility with regard to the question of veto.
Our group emphasizes that they cannot be a subcategory within the permanent category.
For this reason, G four takes the position that new permanent members should, as a principle, have the same responsibilities and obligations as current ones.
At the same time, in order to show openness and flexibility on this issue so as to foster constructive negotiations, the G four proposes that new permanent members would not exercise to until a decision on the matter is reached during a 15 year review.
Sixth, it was evident during the Aegean discussions on the presentation of the African model last month that the question of representation of cross regional groups warrant more in depth discussions.
While G four reiterates that it is positively disposed towards adequate and continuing representation of SIDS, aspects such as the treatment of member states with membership in cross regional groups, in addition to their respective regional groups need to be fleshed out.
Representation on the basis of faith runs counter to time tested UN practices.
Seventh, working methods cannot be a potential impediment to progress.
These methods are enablers that pave the way for seamless conduct of council functions.
Working method should be fine tuned as per needs.
The effectiveness of an expanded, more representative and legitimate council could be continually improved by suitably amending the working methods as needed.
It bears a reiteration in this context that the rules of procedure of the Security Council are still provisional in nature.
Finally, the GF strongly emphasizes that the IGM runs the obvious risk of not achieving any real progress till the commencement of text based negotiations.
As a reform centric group, GF once again underscores that the IGN must start negotiations on the basis of a text without any further delay.
GFO stands fully ready to work actively in close collaboration with the co chairs and the various groups and member states towards achieving this end.
The world has waited far too long for real reform of the UNSA and we witnessed the consequences therefore.
I thank you co chairs.
I thank the distinguished representative of India specifically for his timing, and that was Spot on.
I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Italy on behalf of the United Ford Consensus Group.
Thank you.
Thank you.
This is co chairs.
I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Uniting For Consensus Group.
The discussions conducted under the guidance of the co chairs have enabled us to identify practical avenues for convergences across the five clusters of the reform and move beyond longstanding positions.
We reiterate that all clusters are integrated and need to be tackled in a comprehensive manner as a single undertaking prior to considering the next procedural step.
The decision established in the AGN requires a reform that can garner the widest possible political acceptance to make the Security Council able to deliver on its primary mandate of maintaining international peace and security and to respond to evolving global challenges.
On the first categories of memberships, the discussion has made clear that the only convergence among member states is the expansion of elected members in the non permanent category.
By contrast, no convergencs exist regarding the expansion of the permanent category of membership for different reasons.
First, a significant number of member states have not yet stated their views in the AGN.
In this regard, it's important to distinguish between the views expressed by the negotiating groups active in the AGN and those of the wider UN membership, especially considering that some groups have overlapping compositions.
Second, it's important to distinguish among different definitions of permanent seats advocated by certain member states and negotiating groups.
In particular, some proposals envision permanent seats of a regional nature, such as those proposed by the Africa model.
In contrast, other proposal advocate for individual permanent seats that would represent a member state national agenda only.
Third, other support the creation of new permanent seats, but without veto.
At the time of constant geopolitical changes, the requirements to seek reelection by UN membership strengthens accountability and representativeness.
The team is co chairs on the questions of the veto, while firmly advocating for its suppression, we should advance tangible measures in the immediate term to limit its use in specific circumstances such as in cases of mass atrocities, criminal genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in line with the existing initiatives, including the Franco Mexican Political Declaration and the ACT code of conduct, EFC is willing to take an active part in all discussions to this end.
Expanding this prerogative to any additional member risks deepening existing structural imbalances and increasing paralysis within the council.
Regarding the third class, regional representation in the council remains a priority.
It's our view that each regional group should have a fair predictable and increased opportunities for its member states to serve on the council.
The FC fully supports the calls from underrepresented regions such as Africa, Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean.
The UFC remains open to the idea of exploring special arrangements for cross regional groups to improve representation while preserving the council efficiency.
We note that the FEC proposal to enhance the representation of small islands and developing states has attracted wide support.
We note also that the Arab States and others such as the OIC have been mentioned in the IEGM discussions.
Distinguished co chairs, a more functional council is essential to strengthening multilateral cooperation.
In this regard, the for cluster on the sides of an enlarged security council and its working methods plays a fundamental role.
We are all convinced that a more efficient and transparent Security Council is needed to regain trust in the United Nations.
The Council is a collective body comprising member states, all of whom are expected to work together on equal footing.
This has been reflected in the request to have a fair burden sharing and equal distribution of pen ownership and sharing of subsidiary bodies among permanent and elected members.
Finally, regarding the fifth cluster on the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, we believe that the two main political organs for the United Nations should be complementary and mutually reinforcing.
In this context, it's essential to have a council that is representative of the wider membership.
The basic prerequisite for this is the periodic election of non permanent council members by the General Assembly.
Encourage all delegations, particularly those that have not yet done so, to engage actively in the discussions and consider presenting concrete ideas and proposal that may contribute to identifying areas of convergence and possible compromises capable of bridging existing positions.
In this spirit, UFC, we continue to participate in the IG and constitutively and with flexibility with the aim of advancing a comprehensive reform that serves the interests of the entire membership.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Italy for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Sierra Leone on behalf of the African group.
Thank you very much, Madam Distinguished Distinguished co chairs.
Thank you for the floor and for your reflections on the process this morning, including your bridging proposal for which the African group had already commented in the specific Adjuin session.
Let me also seek your indulgence and forbearance in advance on the matter of time.
Distinguished co chairs, Excellency, distinguished delegate.
I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the African member states.
We take note of your letter, distinguished co chairs dated 12 May 2026, including your guiding questions.
We truly appreciate your efforts in this process and the progress made so far during this session.
Let me also thank you and indeed the membership for the support and engagement during the introduction and presentation of the African model on UN Security Council reform.
Allow me also to reiterate Africa's profound thanks and appreciation to member states and interest groups for their continued and unwavering support for the common African position as espoused in the Azuini Consensus and Sit Declaration.
Many delegations over the years, especially during the discussions in this year's sessions, this year's session have expressed support for an enlarged security council in both categories.
In light of these considerations, we want to reaffirm Africa's strong support for expanding the council to at least 26 seats.
This enlargement is essential to reflect today's geopolitical realities and to ensure that the council is more broadly representative and reflect present day geopolitical realities.
However, we also emphasize that reform should not be limited to increasing the number of seats alone in both categories.
A truly effective and fair council must also be more accessible, democratic, transparent, accountable, and responsive to the board of membership.
The question regarding working methods relate, in our view, to ensuring and I quote prompt and effective action.
Vis-à-vis the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security conferred on the Security Council by member states of the United Nations.
Distinguished co chairs regarding the practical aspect of the question of the Security Council's working methods.
Africa's position reflected in the African reform model proposes, especially in an enlarged format, an accessible, accountable, democratic, representative, and more effective Security Council responding to the exigencies of the times.
We acknowledge the effort made so far to improve the working methods of the Security Council, especially the increase in the number of public meetings, briefings, open debate, and consultations between the president of the General Assembly, excuse me, and the Security Council, and regular updating of Note five oh seven, among others.
We are, however, of the view that more needs to be done to improve the working methods of the Security Council in the following areas.
First, the Security Council should further enhance its relationship with the UN Secretariat and troop contributing countries and police contributing countries through prior, sustained, regular and timely interaction.
Meetings with TCCs should be held not only in the drawing up of mandate, but also in their implementation when considering a change in renewal and the completion of a missions mandate or when there is a rapid deterioration of the situation on the ground.
In this context, the Security Council working group on peacekeeping operations should involve TCCs more frequently and intensively in its deliberations, particularly in the very early stages of mission planning and subsequently throughout the whole implementation process.
Second, the Security Council should uphold the primacy and respect of the UN Charter in relation to its functions and powers and to this end, abstain from the practice of engaging and initiating formal and informal discussions on the situation in any member state of the UN or on any issue that does not constitute a threat to international peace and security and which is contrary to the provisions of Article 24 of the charter.
Africa believes that the Security Council should not be used to pursue national political agendas and must ensure the necessity of non selectivity and impartiality in its work.
It should strictly remain within the powers and functions accorded to it by the member states under the UN charter.
Third, on the Security Council subsidiary bodies, Africa believes that the Security Council should establish its subsidiary organs in accordance with the letter and spirit of the UN Charter.
The organs should function in a manner that will provide adequate and timely information on the activities to the general UN membership.
In this regard, we are deeply disappointed that an agreement has not been reached in the appointment of subsidiary body chairs for 2026, repeating the regrettable precedent of 2025 and previous years.
This is thus a classic example of the need for more targeted working methods reform.
Fourth, the Security Council should not resort to Chapter seven of the Charter as an umbrella for addressing issues that do not necessarily threatening international peace and security.
Instead, it will use the provisions of relevant chapters where appropriate, including Chapter six and Chapter eight before invoking Chapter seven, which should be a measure of last resort if and where necessary.
Fifth, the Security Council should not use sanctions against any state under the pretext or to achieve the political objective of one or a few states other than the general interests of the international community.
Six, Africa notes the Security Council's effort in clarifying its working methods and procedure by notes of the precedent, particularly of August 2017 and subsequent notes addressing individual topics.
This practice should continue without hindrance.
Africa's stance on the five cluster is clearly outlined in the 2015 Framework document and the African reform model.
We also recognize the growing convergence based on the Council's working method and its relations with the General Assembly.
We hope to build on this consensus on the other clusters as we move forward.
Distinguished co chairs regarding the Pact for the future.
We believe the Pact is one of the most significant commitments made by Heads of State and government to reforming the Security Council since the 1960s, prioritizing greater representation for historically underrepresented regions, particularly Africa.
Hence, in addition to the five clusters, Africa, we continue to stress one fundamental political requirement of the Pact, specifically action 39 A, Africa must be treated as a special case and priority in the reform process.
This is not a minor issue.
It is central to the logic of reform itself.
The pact with the feature has reinforced what Africa has been emphasizing for decades, that the historical injustice against Africa must be addressed as a matter of priority that must now be translated from permits to action with the necessary political will and the memberships adherence to this commitment.
Regarding the interim measures outlined in action 41 of the Pact, Africa is in a position to support efforts to reinforce the work of the Security Council, make it fit for purpose, and strengthen its relationship with the General Assembly.
Hence, some of the viewpoints expressed by Africa in the Africa reform model uphold the interlinkages amongst the clusters.
In this case, the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly to ensure that the General Assembly remains the chief deliberative policy making and representative body of the United Nations.
Additionally, we support urgent, timely and improved implementation of the provisions in action 41 D of the Pact to improve the participation in and access to the work of the Security Council and its subsidiary organs for all members of the General Assembly to enhance the Council's accountability to the membership and increase the transparency of its work.
The co chairs, it is time for the IGN to move beyond rhetorical support for the common African position and make support for Africa's proposal more concrete and tangible.
This will be reflected in the development of the consolidated model that our leaders committed to creating, one that fully integrates the principles outlined in the Zowini Consensus and City declaration that is based on convergences on the five clusters and the models presented by member states as defined in action 39 A of the Pact.
Let me conclude this co chairs by reiterating that Africa looks forward to continued engagement with all member states and interest groups.
The Afghan reform model calls for urgent and meaningful reform to ensure a council that is more inclusive, more representative, and more responsive to contemporary global realities.
Let's get to work on this now.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished Representative of Sierra Leone and now give the floor to the distinguished representative of St.
Lucia on behalf of the L 69 Group.
Good morning and thank you, co chairs.
I apologize for my voice.
I trust that it does not compromise in any way the message.
I have the honor to speak on behalf of the L 69 Group of Developing countries, a cross regional coalition united by the conviction that reform of the Security Council is overdue, achievable, and necessary.
The Security Council in its current form does not adequately reflect the current membership of the United Nations.
It cannot appropriately address the contemporary global challenges and does not command the requisite legitimacy required to undertake its mandated responsibilities.
These cannot be addressed until it is comprehensively reformed in a manner that makes it more representative, accountable, comprehensive, and just.
Against this backdrop, I will speak on each of the five clusters on behalf of the L 69 group.
With regards to categories of membership, the council must be expanded in both the permanent and non permanent categories.
The L 69 calls for six additional permanent seats and six additional non permanent seats for a council of 27 members.
An expansion in both categories is the shared aspiration of a large number of groups, and this sentiment must be respected fully.
Any proposal that expands only the non permanent category or that creates intermediate or renewable seat arrangements is not comprehensive reform.
Permanent category expansion is central to genuine and comprehensive reform, which must address the non representation and under representation of all regions.
We believe the L 69 model represents the minimum that genuine reform requires.
Under the regional representation cluster, the L 69 proposes two permanent seats, each for Africa states and Asia Pacific states, one for Latin America and Caribbean states, and one for Western European and other states.
In the non permanent category, we propose two seats for Africa, one each for Asia Pacific, Eastern Europe, and Latin America and the Caribbean, and one dedicated rotating seat for small island developing states across all regions.
The group reaffirms its full and unequivocal support for the common African position as reflected in the African model.
Africa must have two permanent seats with the full prerogatives of permanent membership and five non permanent seats with its representatives selected by the region for submission to the General Assembly for election.
The L 69 also draws particular attention to a dedicated rotating seat for small island developing states.
Advanced by Cracom and embraced by the group and the wider membership, this proposal is distinct in nature and must not be conflated with the case of other groups, particularly cross regional groups that are not based on geography or member states.
The case for SIDS addresses a compelling gap in the council's representational architecture.
Equitable geographic distribution is a foundational principle of the UN charter.
Any reform that does not correct the non representation or under representation of Africa, Asia Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean in the permanent category will have failed its most basic test.
The global South, despite being the subject of much of the council's agenda, remains grossly underrepresented in its permanent category.
Further, the historic injustice to Africa is only related to non representation in the permanent category.
This must change.
In the cluster three regards size and the working methods, the L 69 supports a council of 27 seats with affirmative vote for 15 required for decisions.
Non member states must have access to the council's documentation and systematic access to its subsidiary bodies.
Legitimacy requires transparency.
Article 31 and 32 of the charter must continue to be fully implemented.
States with a special interest in an issue or that a party to a dispute being discussed by the council may be invited to participate in the council's decision of that issue.
The L 69 also advocates that elected members must participate fully in pen holder arrangements.
Consultation with troop and police contributing countries must be made mandatory across the full cycle of peacekeeping operations.
Before invoking Chapter seven, the council must exhaust other options.
The council must deepen its cooperation with regional organizations, including the African Union.
Regards Cluster four, the question of the veto.
The veto should be abolished.
It has been used repeatedly to protect narrow interests at the expense of the collective security architecture the charter was designed to build.
Abolition remains the L 69 long term objective.
However, so long as the veto exists, it must be extended to all new permanent members without exception.
The two tier permanent membership in which existing members retain the veto and new members do not is not reform.
Under cluster five regards relationship between the council and the Council and the General Assembly, the relationship between the Security Council and the GA is the constitutional question, not an administrative one.
The balance between these two principal organs established by the charter has been progressively eroded and it must be restored in any reform outcome.
The expanded council must submit analytical substantive and comprehensive reports to the GA in accordance with Article 243, the current practice of largely formal and merely descriptive annual reports must end.
General Assembly resolutions 51 slash 193, 58 slash 126, and 59 slash 313 must be fully implemented and the unfettered application of all the relevant provisions of the charter must be guaranteed.
The council exercises its primary responsibility on behalf of member states, and it must answer to all member states.
In closing, co chairs, thank you for your indulgence.
Reform of the Security Council is a moral and political imperative.
Success in discharging the UN obligation to maintain international peace and security hinges on it.
The Pact for the future renewed the commitment of world leaders to this process.
The L 69 welcomes the Africa model and the growing bodies of models before these structured dialogues.
These models must feed into a consolidated model based on the models presented by member states that can serve as a basis for genuine text based negotiations.
The L 69 is ready.
We invite all member states to support this.
Thank you, coaches, thank you, colleagues.
I thank the distinguished representative of St.
Lucia for her statement.
I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Norway and I would like to recall the speaking times for 5 minutes for groups and 3 minutes for individual member states.
Thank you.
Thank you, coaches, and good morning, colleagues.
I have the honor to speak on behalf of the Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden, and my own country, Norway.
Now, the Nordic position on all five key issues of Security Council reform is underpinned by an overall goal to build a more representative, effective, transparent, and accountable Security Council, one that is better equipped to act and to fulfill its mandate towards the maintenance of international peace and security.
This also means building a council which reflects the world of today and which can address the needs and concerns of people from all regions.
So this informs our answer to your first guiding question coaches.
On size, the Nordic countries see expansion of the council as a means to achieve a more representative council, but we do not have a fixed position on overall size.
We remain flexible to reach this through negotiation of other key issues like regional representation and categories of membership to hopefully lead to a final workable size.
Specific working methods would also need to be devised to accommodate a larger council, including for the rotation of council presidency.
We must find solutions that ensure that all members have the opportunity to hold the presidency at least once during their tenure.
We must also ensure that the expansion does not negatively impact the full participation of all Security Council members in its work with a particular emphasis on elected members.
Co chairs, on your second question on the Pact for the future, we see action 39 as a basis for our work.
It sets out agreed principles for the IGN across all five key issue areas.
These principles represents common understandings we can build on.
The measures outlined in action 41 of the Pact are significant also to ensure that we are continuously reviewing, updating, and improving the working methods of the council.
However, the measures in Action 41 all point to changes that are needed for the council in its current composition.
This may take place outside of the IGN as all these measures could be furthered without touching the composition of the Security Council.
This includes initiatives on ensuring the consistent application of all provisions of the charter, including Article 273, that the Council is not paralyzed in the face of mass atrocities through the Act code of conduct and the French Mexican Initiative, ensuring also more accountability for the use of veto, including through the Veto initiative, and strengthening the GAO's own role in matters of international peace and security.
But we must also continue to support and make suggestions to the council to undertake efforts itself through its informal working group and through updates to note five oh seven, including on the issues mentioned in action 41, like pen holdership, the council's cooperation and communication with other bodies like the PBC, and there's more.
These council efforts are vital to ensure an effective and accountable council and will ultimately support the work we are undertaking here in the IGN.
Finally, we must not overlook the significance of Action 42.
This action contains our commitment to increase efforts to revitalize the work of the General Assembly with its important complementary power, including when the Security Council is paralyzed.
So Dear Coaches, the Nordic countries have a defined vision of how we view an expanded council.
Yet we remain open to all ideas that can lead to finding a middle ground.
It is only by bridging our differences with determination and the spirit of compromise that we will be able to deliver meaningful reform.
The Nordic countries look forward to continuing this important work with you.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Norway for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished Representative of Guyana on behalf of the Caribbean community.
Distinguished co chairs, I have the honor to deliver this statement on behalf of the 14 member states of the Caribbean community, Cracon.
We again thank you for your stewardship of this process and for providing these opportunities to advance our discourse on this critical issue.
Co chairs, Excellencies, the need for Security Council reform is not in question.
In fact, this may be one of the few areas in which there is universal agreement.
However, while the diagnosis has been easy, it is the best treatment that continues to be up for debate.
In this regard, the Pact for the future is a critical manual for the restoration and resurgence of multilateralism and an articulation of our shared vision for the future.
An important outcome of the Pact was the agreement reached on a set of clear principles for reforming the Security Council.
We have within the Pact a clear guide to our negotiations, and it is critical that we do not regress from those outlined actions.
Carcom also sees this collective commitment in the pact as a duty to not leave this critical task of security council reform to future generations.
As such, while we have put forward our model of reform, we stand ready to listen, debate, and negotiate.
In other words, normalize the IGN process so that real progress can be achieved.
Our region is grateful to have been able, through the presentation of our own model, to contribute to expanding the pathways for reform.
We welcome the recent presentation of the model by the African group and encourage other regions and member states to put forward their own models.
It is through this articulation and debate of ideas that we may find the breakthrough that leads to a consolidated model for reform and text based negotiations.
Co chairs, the size of the council and its regional balance is perhaps the area where we see the most significant divergence in reform proposals.
Caricm reaffirms our view that the Security Council must reflect the membership of the UN today.
We therefore reiterate that a reformed council must be expanded in both the permanent and non permanent categories of membership.
Reform must also prioritize fair regional representation in both categories of membership.
The absence of the Latin American and the Caribbean and African regions from the permanent category must be addressed.
As was agreed in the pact for the future, we must, and I quote, redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority, unquote.
Co chair, Excellencies, while our discussions in large part focus on the council's structure, reforming the council's working methods should not be subordinated.
Reforming the manner in which the council conducts its work would enhance its ability to execute its mandate of maintaining international peace and security.
Some of these changes can be made without waiting for comprehensive reform.
We have witnessed some positive changes, but much more can be done.
For example, the process of appointing chairs to subsidiary bodies of the council has become a little more transparent and inclusive since 2016, though much more work still needs to be done on this issue, as evidenced by the challenges experienced regarding these appointments over the last two years.
There have also been some inroads in the access to documentation by all council members.
The practice regarding closed consultations of the council requires greater transparency to allow for more formal reporting on the substantive discussions that take place during these consultations.
Carm also advocates greater transparency regarding the co sponsorship of draft Security Council resolutions open to the general membership.
The council's practice should be aligned with that of the General Assembly.
These are but some examples of areas that can be built upon even while we await comprehensive reform.
Co chairs Excellencies, um reiterates that it would be best that the veto be abolished.
However, mindful of its likely retention, we are steadfast that new permanent members must have the prerogative of using the veto.
There cannot be a system of second place status between permanent members with respect to the use of the veto.
To conclude co chairs, Excellencies, the Caribbean community reiterates its commitment to advancing a reform process that is inclusive, transparent, and that can drive progress.
We, like the vast majority of member states, recognize that reform is urgent and that the best avenue for addressing the proliferation of conflict across the globe is through reshaping the Security Council into a body that accurately reflects the realities of today and not of 80 years ago.
Aracon believes that we can and must shift to a reformed Security Council that can respond to contemporary peace and security challenges.
We are committed to playing a constructive role in this endeavor.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished Representative of Vienna for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea.
Distinguished co chairs, I'd like to begin by expressing our support for your role as A co chairs.
The Republic of Korea aligns itself with the statement made by the distinguished Deputy Permanent representative of Italy on behalf of the Unifying Pro Consensus Group.
As you engage in today's comprehensive assessment of the five clusters, my delegation wishes to articulate the fundamental observations in our national capacity.
First, all five clusters need to be tackled in a comprehensive manner as a single undertaking before we consider the next procedural steps.
Navigating through the IGN process, we objectively recognize that meaningful convergences have emerged across certain clusters, notably the shared mission to expand non permanencies to the historical representation of various regional groups.
However, it is an undeniable reality that profound divergences persist on our core pillars IPO, specifically the expansion of permanencies, and the question of the beetle Considering the profound impact that Security Council report will impose on the future architecture of global governance, these dependencies cannot be bypassed or hastily resolved through majority voting.
Is piecemeal approach or forcing a pre merged vote without broad agreement will only endanger irreparable division within the United Nations.
Second, to achieve a genuine consensus, the process must guarantee maximum inclusivity.
General Assembly decisions 62 slash 557 strictly mandate us to seek a solution that can garner the widest possible political acceptance by member states.
To operationalize this crucial mandate, we draw the membership attention to paragraph D of last year's rollover decision.
PT expressly encouraged the submission of further models and the division of already presented ones.
In this speech, we encourage member state and regional groups that have not yet articulate their positions to step forward and present their views.
Gathering the broad perspective of member state is preliquigid before we begin to legitimately develop our future consolidated model.
Third, our DPOM projectory must remain deeply anchored in the guiding principles agreed upon through the consensus adoption of the PCP picture.
Through this landmark consensus, our global leaders committed to forging a security council that is representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable.
Our picture discussions must ensure that each cluster faithfully reflect these principles.
The fundamental principles seamlessly legginated with the core visions of the EFC group.
Co chairs, as we navigate the challenging path ahead within the IGN, the only agreed and accepted platform, this process, the Republic of Korea remains fully committed to building broad consensus for credible, comprehensive and effective Security Council lip.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Republic of Korea for a statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of France.
Madam President Co chairs, thank you for organizing this fifth debate of the intergovernmental negotiation process on security council reform.
I wish to applaud the inclusive and constructive working methods that have reigned over our work over the last few months, which has strengthened trust between delegations.
Thank you.
France's commitment to an ambitious Security Council reform is long standing, clear, and steadfast.
In order to safeguard the legitimacy of the council, we must strengthen representation.
This reform must be carried out by strengthening the decision making ability of the council as a vault key of our collective architecture.
We reaffirmed this collectively in the PAC for the future.
Reform Security Council will be more effective and its actions will be more up to the mark of contemporary realities.
This was recalled by Butros Butros Gali 30 years ago, saying that the United Nations can only fulfill its mission if it constantly adapts to the changing realities of the world.
For the first time since 1963, member states have agreed on clear parameters to guide this reform and this must lead to action.
Co chairs, we believe that the exchanges that have taken place within the framework of the IGN have enabled us to allow several points of convergence to emerge that we must now consolidate.
First of all, when it comes to the size of the council, the most recent models as well as the debates of this session show that an expanded council could include 21-27 members.
This expansion must Reconcile strengthening the representativeness of the council with the need to preserve its efficacy and its decision making capacity.
France believes that an expanded council with 25 members with new permanent and non permanent members would be a balanced approach.
Second, this expansion must enable member states with the capacity and willingness required to contribute fully to the maintenance of international peace and security.
France is committed to this goal and in favor of a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, which must respond to the legitimate expectations of Africa and other underrepresented regions.
This is why France has supported for a long time the creation of two permanencies for African states with all the prerogatives associated with that, including the right to veto.
This goal must, gain a more important place.
This was the focus of the meeting of our Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs Mr.
Barrow, who co chaired it during the Africa forward summit that took place in Nairobi on the 11th and 12th of May last.
At the same time, France supports the candidature of the G four states for a permanent seat.
Third, when it comes to relations between the Security Council and the General Assembly, we believe that the revised document that was disseminated at the end of the 79th session is a useful reflection of the convergences identified in the discussions.
The General Assembly and the Council must strengthen each other mutually and act in a complementary manner in line with the mandates entrusted to them by the UN charter.
When it comes to the working methods of the Council, France wishes to reaffirm that these reflect the competence of the council itself above all.
We nevertheless remain committed to more transparency and to more openness and enhanced efficacy of the work of the Council.
Finally, France welcomes the growing support for a more responsible use of the veto.
This has been illustrated by an increase in the amount of states subscribing to the Franco Mexican Initiative on restricting the veto in cases of mass atrocities.
In this regard, we welcome the fact that at the Africa Forward Summit, 11 new states officially announced joining this initiative.
This is in line with our view on the use of the veto that should be seen not as a privilege, but rather as a tool that must be used responsibly.
It's logical for this initiative to be part of the elements of convergence that were identified within the framework of the IGN.
Co chairs, by way of conclusion, France has recalled this several times.
Security Council reform must be carried out based on a draft resolution that would enable us to identify the many points of convergence without getting bogged down in trying to seek unattainable consensus, which by the way, is not required by the charter.
In this regard, we applaud the African group for presenting a solid and structured reform during the last debate.
The time has come to engage in discussions on a consolidated model, which is an essential basis for our negotiations.
Thank you.
Ppative of France, and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Egypt.
Thank you, co chairs.
I wish to thank you for convening this meeting to further exchange views on the five clusters of decision 62.
Slash 557 and for posing a number of questions that once again put us against the one fundamental question.
Are we ready for a new security council that is not only larger, but fair, more credible, and more reflective of the realities of our world today? Egypt's position on the size of an enlarged council remains guided by a simple principle.
Reform must correct imbalance, not just at just numbers.
A council that expands without addressing historical injustice would only perpetuate the very same problems, albeit in different forms.
For this reason, Egypt supports expansion in both permanent and non permanent categories in accordance with the African common position as espoused in the ulwini consensus and the Sir Declaration and in line with the African model for reform which was brought here for discussion last month.
Africa must receive no fewer than two permanent seats with all rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto, so long as it continues to exist in addition to two additional non permanent seats.
The Pact for the future Action 39 confirms the collective commitment to a council that is more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable.
From Egypt's perspective, that commitment cannot be fulfilled unless Africa's rightful representation is addressed in a concrete and meaningful way.
Africa's absence from permanent membership is a structural injustice.
We should also avoid treating effectiveness and representation as opposing objectives.
A council may be small and still be divided and unable to act, pretty much as it stands today.
The current challenges facing the council are not caused simply by its size.
They stem from unequal representation, concentrated authority, including the veto, and working methods that too often leave the broader membership outside decisions whose consequences they must bear.
Improving working methods is therefore essential.
The council must consult earlier, listen more seriously, and involve affected states, true contributing countries, relevant regional organizations, and the wider membership in a more consistent manner.
This is particularly important when mandates are drafted, renewed, modified, or transitioned.
Pen holdership should likewise become more inclusive.
Council outcomes should not be shaped by a select few members before others are invited merely to react.
A council acting on behalf of the membership must first engage this membership.
On new proposals and ideas, Egypt will continue to listen, assess, and engage in good faith on all proposals and ideas aimed at moving the process forward within the clear parameters of the African common position.
This doesn't necessarily mean embarking on tax based negotiations at this current stage.
Okay.
As the negotiations so far clearly indicate that more time, effort, and effort are needed to reach the bare minimum of an agreement necessary for embarking on tax based negotiations.
Hence, we look forward for further discussions towards reaching the widest possible political consensus on all the five clusters of the Security Council reform.
Thank you, co chair.
I thank the distinguished representative of Egypt for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Spain.
Thank you very much, Madam Coach.
Spain aligns itself with the statement already delivered by Italy on behalf of United for Consensus, and in our national capacity, I wish to share some additional thoughts.
The first is on the fundamental and unique place that these intergovernmental negotiations occupy.
In order for us to debate the reform of the council.
We believe that this is the ideal forum to identify points of convergence and consensus in order to address all of the issues on which there are very different positions to be addressed thoroughly.
Secondly, the reform of the Security Council must benefit the whole of the membership and strive to correct historic injustices.
To achieve this, we must move towards a reform that increases the number of elected seats since the existence of um seats in perpetuity is in itself an injustice.
We need to increase the number of elected members based on a system of elections and rotation.
Further, and in line with the above, we believe that it's necessary to move towards a reform model that empowers the representation of states from regions and groups that are currently underrepresented, reserving Certain seats for different regions could be an adoption that could be met from consensus from all states.
When it comes to the veto, we have a position of principle that is in line with what we feel is the general feeling of member states proposing the complete elimination of the veto.
Until this goal is achieved, we need to establish clear rules in order to ensure that the veto is used responsibly and the scope and use of this tool, can be limited.
Finally, we must continue to work to improve and innovate the working methods of the council.
There have been different interesting proposals that are convergent where we can identify areas in common, such as the interaction between the Council and the Assembly and also the role of the Assembly on matters of international peace and security.
By way of conclusion, I wish to recognize the colossal work that has been carried out by the co chairs.
Your attitude has always been constructive, fostering dialogue, and also the fact that during the last two sessions, you have fostered the presentation of new reform models.
We believe that this format is very important and it has enabled us to identify many areas of convergence and we urge the groups of states and states individually who have not yet done so to present their reform models so that we can have a debate where we can pull all of the elements that we are putting forward for the reform of the Council.
Thank you very much.
The distinguished representative of Spain for her statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Mexico.
Thank you very much, Madam Co chair, co facilitators.
Thank you very much for all of your work.
Mexico aligns itself with a statement delivered by Italy on behalf of the United for Consensus Movement.
I'd now like to share some thoughts in our national capacity.
The reform of the Security Council of 1965 was the result of progress in the decolonization process and of new members joining the United Nations.
With a membership that is currently at 193 member states, the Security Council needs to be more representative and democratic and for its decisions to have more credibility and for its working methods to be more accountable.
The PAC for the future seeks to strengthen the multilateral system in order to tackle current global challenges and existential risks, reaffirming the importance of moving towards a more representative, transparent and effective council, including the needs to correct the historic underrepresentation of regions like Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia Pacific.
For Mexico, expanding the category of non permanent members remains the most simple way of allowing the Security Council to be able to deal with new realities.
Through periodic elections at the General Assembly, we can guarantee democratic legitimacy, transparency, and accountability.
Working methods of an expanded council must promote a more equitable distribution of responsibilities between its member states, including pen holders and pen holderships and co pen holderships, and also participation in the chairmanship of the subsidiary bodies of this organ.
The proposed expanding of the category of elected members enables on the one hand, to keep the council operating effectively and on the other hand, to have a decision making process that fosters Better respect for international law and more credibility, vis vis the international community.
Co chairs, Mexico observes with concern the use of the veto that continues to paralyze the timely action of the Security Council.
The abuse of this prerogative lays even more bare legal inequality between member states during the process to adopt decisions on international peace and security.
The call for non proliferation of the veto must be coupled with the adoption of key measures in order to restrict its use, in particular, when we see grave humanitarian situations that involve mass atrocities.
Mexico welcomes the fact that the Franco Mexican Initiative for the voluntary suspension of the veto just a few days saw 11 new states joining this initiative reaching a total of 118 states.
We applaud Kenya, Loto, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritania, Mauritius, Namibia, Sao Tome, and Principe, the Seychelles, Sierra Leone and Somalia for joining this important initiative.
We welcome the fact that Mexico's proposal and the United for Consensus Group, the proposal presented originally on allocating a rotating seat to small Island developing states was taken up by other countries negotiating groups, reflecting the possibility of moving towards more significant divergence within the discussions at the IGNs.
Thank you very much, Madam Co chair.
I thank the distinguished representative of Mexico for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Bahrain.
Yes.
I'm honored to deliver the statement on behalf of the Arab Group.
I would like to begin by expressing the Arab Group's appreciation for His Ecellcy Mr.
Taka Bene, the permanent representative of Kuwait and Her Excellency Liz Grigar Van Haaren, the permanent representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, for their wise leadership of the IGN process.
During this session, and I applaud their commitment to maintain the momentum in this important negotiation process.
Distinguished co chairs, the AR group affirms that any discussion of an outcome for this 80th session of the IGN must take into consideration all the positions of member state groupings that have been expressed during the session.
Without exclusion or discrimination, the approach must be balanced and comprehensive addressing all the five clusters in an interdependent manner without any selective approach or partial approach.
In a manner that reflects the need to reach a comprehensive and not partial solution to the reform, addressing all the topics of negotiation as per resolution 62 slash 577, which calls, among other things into a solution that garners the widest possible political acceptance.
It is also clear from the interventions of member states and groups that divergence persists with regards to a reform model, as well as with respect to the modalities of the negotiations and in particularly as it relates to the proposal to move to a text based negotiation.
In this context, we emphasize that any progress requires patience and flexibility the imposition of any measures that do not enjoy consensus will lead to hindering the cohesion of the membership and will undermine the credibility of the IGN.
With regards to the consolidated model, the Air group finds that any such a model must be based on the interdependent dependence of the five clusters and then must reflect in a balanced and faithful manner, the various positions and proposals by member states without marginalizing, excluding, or overlooking any principal position.
Furthermore, the AR group reiterates that the five clusters as per resolution 62 slash 577 are interdependent and they must all be decided upon in any model that is agreed.
This is a prerequisite for the launch of text based negotiations.
Distinguished co chairs.
The Arab Group reiterates the importance of the issue of the veto and that it is integrally related to the justice of representation in the council.
Accordingly, any credible and meaningful reform must address the structural imbalance, including the continued absence of permanent representation for the Arab Group despite its political weight and its pivoted role in the issues of international peace and security.
The AR group further reiterates that any expansion in the categories category, especially of permanent membership must be based on equality and equity in all privileges, including the veto if it remains.
We also believe that increasing transparency and accountability in the use of the veto, including the voluntary restraint in its use in certain situations may be an important entry point to improve consensus and the performance of the council.
Distinguish co chairs.
The purpose of the reform is not limited to expanding the membership or redistributing the seats.
It is rather represented in restoring balance in the structure of the council to increase its effectiveness, credibility, and its representation of the contemporary world.
Accordingly, the Arab Group reaffirms its commitment to constructive engagement in this process and to working with all member states in order to achieve comprehensive and balanced reform in a manner that enjoys the widest possible agreement between member states.
Thank you, co chairs.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain and I now give the floor to Turkey.
Shukran.
Thank you chairs.
We thank you for convening this meeting for the IGN for a discussion on all five clusters.
Turkey fully aligns itself with the statement delivered by distinguished representative of Italy on behalf of the Uniting Ford Consensus Group.
I would also like to make the following remarks in my national capacity.
Turkey is seeking to achieve a comprehensive reform of the Security Council that reflects today's geopolitical realities and responds more effectively, transparently, and democratically to contemporary challenges of international peace and security.
Credibility of the UN depends on our collective ability to deliver a reform that enjoys the broadest possible political support among member states in line with the General Assembly Decision 62 slash 557.
Discussions held under your guidance have demonstrated that meaningful convergence can only emerge through a holistic and balanced approach across all five clusters.
Turkey continues to believe that these clusters are interestingly interlinked and should therefore be addressed together comprehensively.
Distinguished co chairs.
With regard to the first cluster on categories of membership, the clearest and the broadest convergence among member states is the expansion of elected non permanent seats.
This reflects the understanding that periodic elections are essential to ensure accountability, representativeness, and democratic legitimacy within the council.
At a time of profound geopolitical transformation, rotation participation by wider membership through regular elections would enhance both the council's responsiveness and credibility.
The requirement for member states to seek the confidence of the General Assembly through elections remains the most effective mechanism for accountability.
Turkey has consistently underlined that reform should correct existing imbalances rather than create new privileges or deepen existing inequalities.
In this regard, proposals seeking to expand permanent membership raise serious concerns on the path to achieving broader convergence.
We also reiterate that it is important to distinguish between different models being proposed, including regional collective approaches put forward by Africa and proposals aimed at creating additional nationally held permanent seats.
These approaches are fundamentally different in nature and implication.
On the question of the veto, Turkey reiterates its principled position that the veto constitutes one of the most significant structural deficiencies of the current Security Council architecture.
While the ultimate and eventual objective should be the abolition of the veto, the second best alternative is to limit its use.
Turkey supports measures aimed at restraining to veto, particularly in situations involving genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and mass atrocities.
However, extending the veto to additional members would neither enhance the Council's effectiveness nor improve its legitimacy.
On the contrary, it would like to exacerbate paralysis and deadlock.
Regarding regional representations, Turkey attaches particular importance to equitable participation of under represented regions to the work of the council.
Reform must ensure increased opportunities for all regional groups, especially Africa, Asia, Pacific, and Latin America and Caribbean.
Turkey recognizes the importance of improving representation of cross regional groupings, including CDS and the OIC, so that the council can better reflect diversity and plurality.
On the fourth cluster, improving transparency, accountability, and inclusivity is indispensable.
A more representative council alone will not suffice unless accompanied by substantial improvements.
The council is a collective body, and all its members should be able to contribute on equal footing.
Greater transparency in decision making, favored distribution of pen holdership and equitable allocation of subsidiary body, Chirship is indeed.
Finally, on the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, Turkey believes that the two principal organ of the UN must function in a complementary and mutually reinforcing manner.
Security Council derives its legitimacy from the broader membership represented in the GA.
Strengthening this relationship requires a council that is more responsive to the collective will of the membership.
Distinguished co chairs, Turkey remains committed to engaging constructively and actively in the IGM process.
We encourage all member states, particularly those that have not yet fully articulated their positions to put forward feasible proposals capable of fostering genuine convergence.
The objective before us is not simply to enlarge the council, but to reform it in a manner that restores confidence in multilateralism and ensures that UN remains fit for today and future.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Turkey and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Romania.
Thank you very much, co chairs, and I want to applaud your efforts in organizing these meetings and consultations.
Co chairs in action 39 of the PAC for the future, we committed to pursue a reform of the Security Council, and I think we need to deliver through that process.
Romania recognizes the need of an enlarged security council, making it more representative and reflecting current realities.
This process has to be conducive to a more democratic and legitimate decision making process, not a more cumbersome, multi layered process.
We need to consider a clear, simple enlargement process extending a number of seats for each regional group with the rotation principle applied within the group.
We do not need to confuse things and duplicate with political across regional groups.
While non permanent members addition would follow the current election procedure, assigning permanent membership for specific member states within the regional group would be much more difficult, both politically and time sensitive.
Moreover, proposing different categories of membership with different mandate time span such as three to five years for a new category would also create confusion and would not serve the objective of further democratization and the transparency of the process.
The number of security council members should be carefully balanced, while increasing representity, we need to maintain effectiveness.
Recognizing that Africa, Asia Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean need to be properly represented, it goes without saying that the Eastern European group should receive an additional seat.
While we strive to make this reform process feature approved as part of a comprehensive reform and review of the working methods, we should also consider setting a review clause in 15 years, for example, as for other processes as we have for the development goals review.
On the question of veto, dear co chairs and dear colleagues, we know the Security Council has been unable to act on several issues, key important issues on Ukraine, Sudan, the Middle East, and recently the Strait of Hormoz.
The veto comes by design with huge responsibility, including the responsibility of self restraint, and we should encourage extending the number of elected members, not increase divisions by creating new categories of members with veto power.
In the framework in the current operating environment, we need to establish not just a set of limitations, but also proper accountability mechanism to discourage blocking decisions by imposing political costs.
This should be approached as critical in situations when a permanent member is party to a dispute stipulated 27.3 of the charter and so we have a limitation already embedded in the charter which is reflecting self restraint and two members of the Security Council have been using that for the past 30 almost seven years.
Member states as well, we could consider additional limitations or deterrence to the use of veto.
Thank you very much.
Thank the distinguished representative of Romania and I give the floor to the representative of Indonesia.
Thank you, co chairs, allow me as well to thank you for convening this fifth plenary meeting and for your continued efforts to get our discussions with clarity, transparency, and results oriented approach.
The guiding questions you circulated provide a useful framework for today's deliberations.
Allow me to share Indonesia's views.
First, on working methods, any reform must strengthen a council that is transparent, democratic, and accountable to the wider memberships.
We continue to support improvement to the council working methods, including full implementation of Note five oh seven, greater transparency in pen holdership and enhance engagement with troop and police contributing countries.
On the size of an enlarged council, Indonesia believes that expansion must reflect equitable geographic representations, particularly for Africa, Asia Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean.
A council that continues to under represent the global South cannot claim democratic legitimacy.
Second, Indonesia welcomes the parameters contained in the PC for the future.
This includes action 39 and the interim measures under section 41.
These parameters reinforce the need for a council that is more representative and more effective.
We see these parameters as an opportunity to narrow divergence, particularly on memberships categories and the regulation of the veto.
Indonesia maintains that the veto is inherently undemocratic and must be regulated as a transitional step towards its eventual abolition.
Third, Indonesia welcomes the constructive spirit shown by many delegation in recent sessions.
We see growing convergence on several fronts, including shared interests in strengthening the council's accountability to the member states through the General Assembly.
Indonesia stands ready to engage with all proposals that move us closer to a council that is representative, effective, and fit for purposes.
Co chairs, the credibility of our multilateral systems depends on our ability to deliver meaningful progress.
Indonesia remains fully committed to working with all delegations in a spirit of flexibility, cooperation, and collectivism, and I thank key co chairs.
I thank the distinguished Representative of Indonesia and I give the floor to the distinguished Representative of Pakistan.
Thank you, coaches.
At the outset, I would like to extend my apologies because I think your command for us to limit statements to 3 minutes we've not been able to really abide by that not been able to honor that.
Maybe I would like to have some coaching classes from the distinguished permanent representative of Romania and our colleague from Indonesia just spoke before me because I even tried AI and I asked it, can I do this statement in 3 minutes? You know what response I got? Are you kidding? So please bear with me.
I would like to thank you both of you co chairs, for your active and skillful stewardship of this process and Parks and alliance with the statement delivered by Italy on behalf of the Unitedingford Consensus Group.
I would like to start by underlining that all five clusters are inseparably linked, and a selective or piecemeal approach will not deliver meaningful reform.
A credible and durable outcome can only emerge through a comprehensive approach based on widest possible agreement.
That is consensus on the five clusters as mandated by the foundational documents on Security Council reform.
That is A resolution 53 slash 30 and Decision 60 2557.
Our guiding reference must be these documents.
We know there is the pack for the future, which we think should be viewed in the continuum as earlier UN outcome documents including 2005 World Summit outcome and the 2015 outcome document.
So co chairs on categories of membership, Pakistan's position remains clear and principled.
We do not support expansion in the permanent category with or without Veto.
Permanence does not equate to representation.
Rather, it institutionalizes presence frozen in time.
No state can credibly claim to represent an entire region and certainly not in perpetuity.
Genuine representation derives from periodic elections, equitable, geographical distribution, and rotation.
A reformed council must derive its authority not from the permanence of a few but from accountability to and confidence of the wider membership.
We have been hearing references made by the aspirants for permanent membership to contemporary geopolitical realities.
These select countries imply that they have greater capacity and willingness to contribute to international peace and security.
Pakistan believes that there are many more than just these few states, a sizable number of middle and small states and many of which are even today making significant contributions to international peace and security.
Pakistan therefore supports expansion in the elected category of membership.
Periodic elections ensure accountability, and accountability ensures legitimacy.
All in respect of the principle of sovereign equality of states without any discrimination between member states.
We believe representation and accountability are two sides of the same coin.
One cannot exist without the other.
Representation ceases when there is no accountability.
These twin principles exist only in the elected category.
Co chairs, the veto remains one of the most serious sources of counsel's paralysis and loss of credibility.
The overwhelming sentiment therefore is opposed to this undemocratic power to its misuse and favors serious restrictions and curtailment of veto, if not possible abolishment altogether.
At the very least, veto must not be extended to any new members.
If the existing to already obstructs action, multiplying it would not be reform.
It would be institutionalizing further deadlock.
Regional representation must be addressed in a balanced and equitable manner.
We are sensitive to and supportive of Africa's legitimate quest to rectify historic injustice as reflected in the African common position.
This consensus based continental position is fundamentally different from the divisive national ambitions of the other aspirants for permanent membership.
This historic injustice must therefore be redressed as must similar injustices against the members of the OIC, the Arab Group, the small states, CDs, and Latin America.
Co chairs on size and working methods, enlargement must be meaningful.
The extremely limited scope for expansion made imperative that every additional seat should strengthen the representation of the broader membership.
Within such a framework, there can be no justification for the permanent allocation of seats to individual countries.
Additional seats must expand access for the wider membership.
Working methods must continue to be improved to make the council more transparent, inclusive, and accountable.
And more effective functioning of the subsidiary bodies and stronger engagement with non council members.
Experience has shown that these objectives can best be achieved not by enlarging the cotery of the powerful few, but by strengthening democratic representation, role, and influence of the general membership of the UN in the Security Council.
That is at the heart of the question about relationship between the council and the General Assembly, which must be strengthened.
As the council acts on behalf of the membership, it must remain answerable to the membership.
Coaches, we believe it is time to redress, not exacerbate the anomalies and inequities of the past in the structure of a reformed Security Council.
Reform must unite, not divide.
IGN remains the only legitimate membership driven platform to undertake this process.
Before I conclude, let me recall that the Pact for the future seeks early reform.
And does not set any artificial or arbitrary deadline for a decision in this regard.
Moreover, a consolidated model should be based on the convergences and all the five interlinked clusters.
Now, this will entail flexibility and compromise by all sides, as well as exploration of new ideas such as those presented by you yourself, the co facilitators.
Therefore, the existing divergences need to be overcome and reconciled through the IGN process before a consolidated model can be formulated.
Evidently, time is not ripe for any tax based negotiations.
Coaches Pakistan stands ready to work constructively with you and all member states for a reformed Security Council that is more democratic, more representative, and more effective, reform for all, privilege for none.
Thank you.
Thank the distinguished representative of Pakistan.
Triple the allotted time, but it's just a guide.
We actually look forward to all your statements, especially if they are elaborated.
Thank you very much.
Distinguished representative of Germany, you have the floor.
Thank you, co chairs and thank you for your efforts.
Thank you for leading this discussion.
It is very important.
Of course, Germany fully aligns itself with a statement delivered by India this morning on behalf of the G four and I will be brief with a few additional points in my national capacity on the questions that you said.
First, on the size of an enlarged council.
We do not think this is only a question of numbers.
It's also a question of how members work together.
In a larger council, cooperation among groups will become even more important.
We can already see useful examples of this today, whether in the cooperation of the A three, A three plus, or in the coordination among the European members.
For us, enlargement and efficiency can and must go hand in hand and working methods need to adapt accordingly.
Secondly, on the Pact of the future, which as everyone knows, we have the honor to co facilitate with Namibia, we see the Pact as a highly significant agreement.
Um, because it contains forward looking language in many senses, but also on this question of reform, and it's clearly the result of a hard fought compromise and that's precisely why it matters.
However, at the same time, it is important to recognize that all negotiating groups remain convinced that their own models meet the parameters set out in the pact.
The Pact gives us a common political framework, but it does not in itself settle the debate, which we need to have.
Thirdly, on developments and positions and on new proposals, yes, we do see movement.
One example is the G four proposal mentioned this morning for review.
Over the last two years, this idea has gained noticeable broader support, and some other models have now taken up this element as well.
There are more, the representation of the com model one year ago has also shown that support for expansion in both categories is growing.
The African model, as presented by Sierra Leone last month, demonstrated clearly that a majority of member states supports this approach to reform.
Co chairs, colleagues, it is now time to move towards a consolidated model that reflects these majority positions.
Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Germany and thank you for being extra brief.
Appreciate it.
Distinguished representative of Kenya, you have the floor.
Thank you, co chairs.
Kenya aligns itself with a statement delivered by Serra Leon on behalf of the African group.
At the outset, Canary affirms it is steadfast support for the common African position as created in the ensuing consensus and the CELTA declaration, which reflects a principled and historically grounded call to address longstanding structural imbalances and persistent inequalities in global governance.
We appreciate the opportunity to join today's discussion on each of the clusters for compressive Security Council reform.
On regional representation, we recall the political commitment reflected in Action 39 of the pacts for the future to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority and reiterate that compressive Security Council reform must adequately address the long standing under representation of the continent.
Improving the effective representation and the voice of the underrepresented and unrepresented regions and groups in the Security Council could command the confidence of the wider membership and enhance its legitimacy.
On the categories of membership, Kenya observes that Africa's absence from the permanent category is a consequence of historical circumstances prevailing at the founding of the organization when much of the continent was under colonial domination and unable to participate fully in shaping the architecture of the global governance.
It is precisely for this reason that the common African position correctly frames Africa's demand as the rectification of historical injusis.
Action nine of the Pact for the future renders the credence by acknowledging the need to address Africa as a special case within the broader reform process.
Accordingly, Kenya supports Africa's United code for no fewer than two permanent seats with all the prerogatives and privileges of the permanent membership, including the veto if it continues to exist, as well as five additional non permanent seats.
A council whose composition better reflects today's realities would enjoy greater credibility, broader ownership, and enhanced authority in the discharge of its responsibility under the charter.
On the veto, Kenya supports Africa and other groups fundamentally opposed to the veto in principle, and it is eventual abolition.
However, so long as it continues to exist, it must be made available to all permanent members, including Africa on equal basis.
We reiterate that admitting new members while rening them equivalent rights and privileges according to existing permanent members could institutionalize second tier of permanence and perpetuate inequality within a reformed council.
At the same time, we remain supportive of efforts aimed at improving the accountability, transparency, and responsible use of the veto in line with the broader objective of strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of the council.
On the size of an enlarged council and the working methods, Kenya supports expansion in both the permanent and non permanent categories of the membership to make it sufficiently representative.
The expansion should be accompanied by a corresponding improvement in transparency, accountability, and working methods to ensure that the council remains both effective and credible.
Reforming the council's working methods is indeeddipensable to democratizing.
It is a functioning and strengthening of collective ownership.
We therefore support measures to deepen engagement with troop and police contributing countries and regional organizations, including the African Union and promoting the greater transparency in sanctions committees and subsidiary bodies.
On the relationships between the CA and the Security Council, as the UN most representative organ, the ChEA must continue to play a role in shaping reform outcome and reinforcing the legitimacy of the multilateral system.
We therefore support measures to enhance the Council's reporting obligation to the CA aimed at strengthening its accountability to the wider membership, including the use of the veto.
In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of advancing an inclusive and member state driven process with a view to achieving meaningful process on this longstanding issue of central importance to the multilateral system.
We owe it to the present and the future generation to build a security council that reflects the principles upon which this organization was founded.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Kenya and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Brazil.
Distinguished co chairs, thank you very much for convening this meeting.
As usual, my delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the G four and L 69.
Brazil notes the work undertaken so far during the current IGN session and appreciates the presentation of the African model.
Conditions are now in place for us to finally make progress towards a meaningful reform that will result in a more representative, equitable, accountable, and legitimate Security Council.
The next steps have been clearly and explicitly agreed by the membership.
The preparation of a consolidated model based on convergences, and I stress, models presented by member states.
Decades of exchanges, not negotiations, which have never taken place, as we know, have proved unable to yield results.
The reform process demands a qualitative shift from procedural inertia to genuine political engagement on the basis of positions by member states or groups of member states.
As my delegation has already stated, proposals not presented by member states may be useful at a later stage, not now, especially if such proposals exclude key positions of the majority of the membership before negotiations have even begun and conflict concepts as clear and well established in the charter and in practice, such as permanent and non permanent seats in the Security Council.
Distinguished co chairs, you now have in front of you several models presented by member states.
Let us make good use of them in accordance with the mandate adopted by the General Assembly, which is the legitimate source of substantive and procedural decision making in the matter at hand.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Brazil and I give the floor to the distinguished Representative of Argentina.
As a very good morning.
Argentina, thanks to co facilitators, distinguished colleagues Lisa and Tarek.
Thank you for organizing this fifth meeting of the IGN on the five clusters established under decision 62 slash 557.
We also thank you for your dedicated ongoing work.
Thank you.
My delegation aligned itself with the statement made by Italy on behalf of United for Consensus, and we wish to add the following comments in our national capacity.
As for the categories of members, for Argentina, Security Council reform must not only consist of an expansion of the different categories or privileges, rather it must strengthen the legitimacy, representity, and response capacity of the body to the expectations of member states and the international community.
The creation of new permanent seats and the expansion of special treatment would not correct current imbalances, rather, it could consolidate them.
As for the veto, the current international situation leads us once again to reflect on the functioning of the Security Council.
There is convergence on the need for, first of all, at least, limiting the use of the veto, based on the understanding that the veto limits the functioning of the body, the body that is tasked with the maintenance of international peace and security.
Furthermore, my country understands that the United Nations will not be able to tackle present and future challenges if the Security Council continues to assign special powers in contradiction of the principle of sovereign equality laid down in Article 2 0.1 of the UN Charter.
As for regional representation, for us, any reform must contemplate more equitable and democratic representation of the different regions and groups of states.
In this regard, we wish to point to the historic underrepresentation of regions such as Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa and Asia Pacific.
My region, Latin America and the Caribbean, for example, brought close to 40% of the founding state of the United Nations and we remain underrepresented at this body.
Now, with regards to the size of the Security Council and its working methods, we believe that we need a council that acts swiftly and efficiently in response to issues that imperil international peace and security.
Argentina believes that it's fundamental to move towards more transparent and inclusive working methods and open to effective participation of the membership as a whole, thus strengthening the legitimacy and accountability of the body.
Finally, when it comes to the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly, Argentina understands that the reform process must fully safeguard its intergovernmental nature based on seeking the broadest consensus possible between member states.
Attempting to artificially accelerate the process or to move towards tax based negotiations without prior agreement without sufficient prior agreement could entrench existing divisions and move us further from the perspective of a truly representative and sustainable reform.
The legitimacy of any reform will depend not only on its content, but also on the way in which it is achieved.
Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Argentina.
F to the distinguished Representative of Kyrgyzstan.
Co chairs.
Let me express my gratitude for convening today's meeting and thanking the permanent representatives of Kuwait and Netherlands for their dedicated leadership on this process.
The questions you have posed are the right ones.
They set the right tone of the meaningful discussion.
We firmly believe that the IGN remains the legitimate forum for Advance and Security Council reform.
This is where the voice of all member states, large and small must be heard.
For chairs, I would like to highlight a few points in my national capacity on the membership.
The Security Council in the current form, it does not reflect the current geopolitical realities.
The world has changed, the new powers have emerged, new threats, climate change, terrorism, food insecurity demand collective response.
Yet the structure of council remains largely frozen in the logic of 1945.
This gap undermines its credibility and its ability to act effectively.
We want to highlight something that is often overlooked in the debate.
Africa is the largest continent grouping in the UN, yet holds no permanent seats in the Council.
This is a historical injustice, and it must be corrected.
Kyrgyzstan firmly supports the legitimate aspirations of African states for enhancing representation in the enlarged council, and we welcome the submission of the African model.
But reform must go further.
Small states carry a heavy burden.
LLDCs sits they suffered the most global crisis, yet they have virtually no voice at the table on security and peace.
Over 60 UN member states have never been elected to the Security Council.
This is not just a statistical imbalance.
This is a structural problem that weakens the council's legitimacy.
An enlarged council with both permanent and non permanent seats expand on the basis of fair regional representation would make the council more inclusive, more balanced, and ultimately more effective.
The Pact for the future has set important parameters through actions 39 and 41.
Now we must translate those commitments into the real actions.
Co chairs Kyrgyzstan calls all delegations to come these sessions with the genuine political will.
A reform Council is the one that reflects the diversity of our membership and respond to today's realities.
Kyrgyzstan firmly committed to this process.
We believe that the stronger, more representative, and more effective council serves the interests of all member states.
And I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Kyrgyzstan, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation.
Distinguished co chairs.
Distinguished co chairs.
We welcome the convening of this latest informal meeting of the General Assembly as part of the IGN on UN Security Council Reform.
Today's topic of the meeting thematic clusters is very important.
It allows us to look at the reform process comprehensively and to evaluate its development in line with Resolution 70 2557 and monitor the pinch points that are holding back progress to find compromises.
We note that proposed by the co chairs two years ago to look at different models for a renewed council have given the discussion new impetus.
It allowed for a comparative analysis of different concepts and helped present the ramifications of implementing these in practice.
From this standpoint, we have to note that none of the proposed models although some did have some advantages, received broad support.
None of them received broad support from member states.
We do not believe that any of these models can form the basis of a final reform decision in such a way that it can be adopted by consensus or as a minimum, by the overwhelming majority of delegations.
In this regard, there is no alternative still to consistent work to find points of convergence on the different thematic clusters.
Regarding the idea of developing a consolidated model, we should recall that such a unified concept must be based not only on models presented by member states, but also on elements of convergence of positions on the five thematic clusters.
As we've seen in terms of how the GNa has developed, on the three out of five clusters, namely categories of membership, size of the council and the veto, there are still few points of convergence.
All of the All of them propose expanding the composition of the body to more than 25 countries.
We have repeatedly underscored that this would lead to a lack of a security counion properly functioning, an increase in the time taken for meetings, a decrease in the added value of its members, and also extensions of the length of agreement on documents.
We welcome the efforts by the co chairs of the IGN to find compromises that would involve in AA allocating a new permanent category for regional fixed seats.
At the moment, we believe this is promising, a promising proposal that should be considered from different angles.
At the same time, we note that we must talk solely about those regions that really are underrepresented.
If the expansion were to cover regions that are already enjoying a numerical advantage in the council that would not only strip our efforts of any meaning but would enshrine the vestiges of the colonial era in the council.
In concrete terms as part of the work on the co chairs elements this year, we propose defining overrepresented and sufficiently represented regional groups.
For us, it's clear that the first category, for example, must include weg, for example.
We believe that incorporating such an element would allow us to narrow the area of challenges facing the IGN.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Russian Federation, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Portugal.
Thank you, co chairs.
The Pact for the future sent a clear political message.
Security Council reform is necessary to preserve the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations.
In Action 39, our Heads of State and government committed to advancing a council that is more representative, inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic, and accountable.
We believe as a country, that the composition of the Security Council created in 1945 and last reformed in 1965, no longer reflects the today's world and geopolitical realities.
Reform must include expansion in both permanent and non permanent categories with better representation under represented regions with a special focus in Africa and in full support in our view of the common African position as seen in our last IGN meeting.
At the same time, reform is not only about categories and members and numbers, working methods remain central to the legitimacy and effectiveness of the council.
Portugal has long defended and will continue to do so a more transparent, inclusive, and accountable council, including through our engagement in the act group and our previous chairmanship of the informal working group on documentation and other procedural matters.
A more representative council might also be a council that engages more systematically with the wider membership.
Greater transparency should be the norm, not the exception.
Open briefings, regular wrap up and wrap up sessions, timely monthly assessments, stronger interaction with affected countries, troop and police contributing countries, regional organizations, and also civil society all contribute to more informed and credible decision making.
We also believe elected members should continue to play a strong role in shaping the council's work, including through a fairer distribution of pen ownerships and subsidiary body shares.
The council benefits when responsibility is shared more broadly across its membership.
Portugal also sees the reform discussion as an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between the Security Council and the GA.
On one side, we look forward to the upcoming adoption of the council's annual report and its substantive discussion in the GA.
On the other, the Veto initiative has demonstrated that the wider membership expects greater accountability and political explanation when the veto is used.
In this regard, we also take positive note of the inclusion of recommendations for action in the PGA summaries of to initiative debates as was done following the meeting of 16 April, which may provide useful elements for future consideration by the General Assembly and or the Council.
We also reiterate our support for initiatives promoting restraint in the use of veto, including the ACT code of conduct and the Franco Mexican Initiative.
The to carries particular responsibility, especially in situations involving mass atrocities.
Co chairs, after many years of discussion, the membership expects progress.
While differences remain, there are also areas where convergency is increasingly visible.
Portugal remains committed to engaging constructively with all delegations in a spirit of dialogue, flexibility, and bridge building.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished Representative of Portugal, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Namibia.
Coaches, Namibia approach you at the manner at which you have been steering our deliberations and thank you for organizing this meeting, looking at the five clusters in relation to the comprehensive reform of the Security Council.
Namibia aligns itself with the statement delivered by Cierra Leon on behalf of the African group and wishes to underscore in its national capacity, the urgency and weight we attach to the work before us.
Nearly 80 years after the establishment of the United Nations, the Security Council current configuration across the five clusters continues to mirror in outdated global order.
This reality is no longer defensible.
The delay in reforming the Council undermines its legitimacy, erodes trust, and multilateralism and weakens its ability to reform timely and effectively to today's complex and interconnected challenges.
The reform of the council is not a matter of convenience.
It is a matter of justice, credibility, and political will.
Coaches, on the categories of membership, Namibia is unequivocal.
Expansion must be pursued in both permanent and non permanent categories to ensure a comprehensive and balanced outcome.
We reiterate in this regard with clarity and conviction, Africa's common position is articulated in the Azulini consensus and the SRte Declaration.
Our commitment continues.
Exclusion from permanent membership persist despite decades of acknowledgment.
This reaffirmation and a landmark pact for the future, which Namibia Co facilitated with Germany and the recognition of Africa's special case constitute a historic shift in the discourse of the reform of the Council.
Africa is home to 54 member states, represents over 1.5 billion people and is central to the Council's agenda.
These undeniable facts cannot be overlooked or marginalized when shaping the Council's new permanent decision making structure.
Africa's representation must urgently be treated as a priority.
On the question of the veto, NAB reiterates that the veto is inherently undemocratic and incompatible with the principles of sovereign equality.
However, It is in the interest of the entire membership that the veto be either extended to all the new permanent members on a non discriminatory basis or abolished for all.
A reform that institutionalizes inequality or creates new categories of exclusion is fundamentally incompatible with justice for Africa and undermines the very purpose of this process.
Cultures, Namibia emphasizes that equity must be at the core of the reform.
A security council that does not reflect current geopolitical and demographic realities cannot claim legitimacy.
Africa's and representation is the most glaring example.
It is not only the one, other developing countries Regions also remain insufficiently represented.
Reformers address these imbalances comprehensively and fairly.
On the size of the council and its working methods, Namibia supports the meaningful expansion that enhances both representation and effectiveness.
Concerns about efficiency cannot be used as a pretext to preserve an exclusive status quo.
Decision making must be more transparent, more accountable, and more inclusive so that the views of affected countries, troop contributing countries, and the broader membership are substantively incorporated.
NABA also underscores the need to restore institutional balance between the Security Council and the General Assembly.
The General Assembly is the most representative and democratic organ of this organization, yet its role in matters of international peace and security remains constrained.
We must all demonstrate political will to go beyond the current limitations and strengthen the assembly's role.
Finally, coaches, the adoption of the PEC for the future has created renewed political opportunity.
After more than a decade of intergovernmental negotiations, we must consider now moving decisively towards text based negotiations.
The absence of the negotiating text only delays progress, entrenches existing positions.
The IGN cannot continue as an annual exercise in repetition.
The world expect results.
Namibia remains firmly committed to comprehensive reform across all five clusters in an integrated and balanced manner that does not dilute the legitimate aspirations of Africa in the wider membership.
I thank you co chair.
I thank the distinguished representative of Namibia and I give the floor to Timor-Leste.
Co chairs, at the outset, we wish to reiterate our sincere appreciation for your leadership in this process.
My delegation wishes to express its alignment with the statement delivered on behalf of the L 69 group on all five clusters on today's debate.
As a nation whose path to peace was forged in close partnership with the United Nations, the holds an enduring faith in the virtues of multilaterlism.
It is precisely out of our deep reverence of this institution.
We advocates for a security council that mirrors the contemporary world.
Co chairs, the reform of the Security Council is a profound ethical and strategic necessity.
The adoption of the Pact of the future served as a meaningful renewal of our collective promise to revitalize this essential organ.
And it is incumbent upon us to translate that goodwill into tangible progress.
To that end, Timoreso welcomes the African model presented recently and all the constructive body of proposals put forward thus far.
We believe the time has come for this diverse perspective to converge into a single consolidated framework that can serve as the foundation for genuine text based negotiations.
For small island developing states like Demols and navigating complex non traditional security challenges such as climate change, a truly representative council is of the essence.
Coach, the period of preliminary deliberation has served us well, but the moment has arrived to take the next step.
Demors looks forward to an opportunity for all delegations to match their desire for reform with the shared political courage required to build a more equitable, accountable, and harmonious international order.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Timar List, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of Austria.
Thank you very much, Distinguished co chairs, Excellency' colleagues.
Thank you very much for convening today's debate on the five clusters of reform.
As this session of the IGN draws to a close, let me reiterate that Austria remains fully committed to the urgent priority of Security Council reform.
As we have said on previous occasions, the absence of reform of the Security Council is not a technical issue.
It is a political failure that weighs heavily on the credibility of this organization.
The IGN remains the most legitimate way to address this issue, and during this session, we have already made considerably headway, especially with the presentation of the African model of reform last month.
We would like to thank the C ten for presenting their model.
The voice of Africa must be at the center of this reform.
If this process is to remain credible, we must focus our efforts to maintain the momentum of this session.
We therefore continue to encourage the co chairs to use the Pact for the future as a political compass and to steer this session towards a consolidated model for reform.
A consolidated model would enable delegations to define more clearly where the room for compromise lies.
Excellencies, dear colleagues.
On the concrete topic of today's discussion, we would like to emphasize that the parameters of reform as set out in action 39 of the Pact for the future and the interim measures as outlined in action 41, have considerably contributed to refining Austria's position on reform, but also led to increased clarity where the reform process is headed.
Let me give you a few examples.
First, the council must become more representative to be more legitimate.
The council needs to be enlarged to increase the representation of developing countries and small and medium sized states, including small island developing states as agreed to in of the future.
This is a clear yardstick and must guide future discussions.
Second, with a view to regional representation, many regions of this world, not least Africa, but also Grack and the APG, are severely underrepresented in the council's current power balance.
The historical injustice against Africa must be urgently redressed and Africa treated as a special case as recognized by the Pact for the future.
Austria also strongly supports improving the representation of the APG and Gulg as agreed to in the Pact.
With a view to the representation of APG and Gulk, Austria notes that most models presented so far foresee three additional seats for APG and two additional seats for Grulg notwithstanding differences in categories.
This is an emerging convergence in numbers that Austria would be able to support.
On the issue of the size of the Reform council, Austria is of the view that under any of the current models that have been presented, a reform council would be somewhere 25-27 members.
This, in our opinion, fulfills the requirement of ensuring a balance between representativeness and efficiency of the council that was laid out in the Pact.
On the issue of the veto, Austria strongly supports an in depth discussion on possible limitations as mandated by the Pact.
The dedicated meeting on the veto held this session help to refine this discussion.
Finally, the working methods of the Reform council must be improved and democratized, in addition to ongoing incremental improvements to increase the transparency, effectiveness, and accountability of the council.
Action 41 of the Pact mentions many important areas of work, including pen holdership, increasing the council's transparency, inclusivity, and accountability, as well as enhancing its relationship with the GA, the PVC, and the EcoSoc.
All these are areas that Austria supports and will continue to be committed to improving.
Excellency's colleagues, Austria stands ready to remain a partner for reform and contribute to moving this process forward to a successful conclusion as soon as possible.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Austria, and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of China.
And Co chairs.
China welcomes the convening of today's meeting.
During this session of the G the IGN on Security Council Reform have conducted multiple rounds of in depth discussions on the five classes of issues through frank and open discussion.
We appreciate and support the leadership role played by the coaches.
The five clusters of issues concerning security council reform are closely interconnected and should be addressed through a package solution.
We should continue to carry out frank and open discussions to bridge differences and build consensus among member states.
Expanding the c Security Council should be the result of the reform, not an end in itself.
Priority should be given to increasing the representation of developing countries in the council, in particular, the representation of African countries so as to be in line with the historical trend towards a multipolar world, greater democracy in international relations and collective rights of the global South.
At the same time, due consideration must be given to the relationship between size and efficiency while continuously improving working methods to ensure the council can effectively fulfill its responsibilities.
To ensure that Security Council's working methods keep pace with the times, the most important task is to strengthen unity and cooperation.
Members of the Security Council must respect one another, engage in consultations on an equal footing, accommodate each other's legitimate concerns, and support the council in taking effective action and ensure that resolutions adopted contribute to political settlements and are effectively implemented.
The Security Council should also attach importance to listening to the voices of the countries concerned, regional countries and regional organizations so as to pool wisdom and efforts to jointly seeking solutions.
Coaches.
So colleagues have mentioned the provisions regarding the veto contained in the pact for the future.
China believes that the veto is a unique component of the institutional design of the United Nations born out of the painful lessons of war and historical experience.
In essence, it is intended to encourage communication and coordination among major powers, promote consensus, safeguard international peace and security and uphold international fairness and justice.
In practice, the veto has also played an important role in restraining the impulse of the council to authorize use of force lightly and preserving space for diplomatic mediation.
The veto is not a privilege, but a special responsibility conferred by the UN charter.
Permanent members of the Spirit Council should take the lead in fulfilling the responsibilities under the charter and exercise the veto prudently and responsibly.
The key is to uphold an objective and impartial position and stand on the side of international justice.
As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has always adopted a prudent and responsible approach on the question of the veto.
China has consistently worked to uphold international fairness and justice, promote political settlement of disputes, and secure in the final window of opportunity for diplomatic mediation.
China's exercise of the veto power stands the test of time and history.
Coaches, the current international situation is complex and ever changing with security challenges constantly emerging.
The Security Council must fulfill the primary responsibility entrusted to it by the UN charter for the maintenance of international peace and security.
This requires us to approach the reform process with a strategic vision and long term perspective.
In recent years, more and more countries have opposed the idea of one election giving permanent terms and have shown openness towards establishment of regional or rotating seats.
This reflects the latest thinking of member states and thereby merits further discussions and refinement during the IGN.
China will continue to support the work of the co chairs and IGM process and will work to maintain the right direction of the Security Council reform process.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of China and I give the floor to the distinguished representative of South Africa.
Thank you, coaches.
South Africa aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the groups it belongs to, namely the African Group and the L 69.
We express our sincere appreciation for this intergovernmental negotiation session dedicated to the five clusters and with the particular emphasis on actions 39 and 41 of the Pact of the future as indicated in the guiding questions provided for this session.
Coaches, section 39 A of the Pact of the future reflects the wide recognition and broad support by member states for the legitimate aspiration of the African continent to play its rightful role in the United Nations as it relates to the maintenance of peace and security through addressing the historical injustice to Africa.
The action further affirms the centrality of equitable geographical representation as a key element in addressing representation, inclusivity and the democratic nature of the Security Council by calling for improved representation, of Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean as underrepresented and unrepresented regions.
South Africa remains of the view that the size of an enlarged council should be guided by the expansion of the permanent and non permanent categories of the council.
We firmly believe that the size of the expanded council should include seven total seats for Africa, namely two permanent and five non permanent seats, consistent with the common African position.
An enlarged council should also include seats in both categories for Asia Pacific and for Latin America and the Caribbean.
To ensure the transparent, efficient and effective, as well as accountable functioning of the council, we highlight the importance of pen holdership for non permanent members and for these members to uphold the presidency at least once during their tenure.
We reaffirm our support for a more consultative approach with regional organizations and other key stakeholders in mandate implementation such as troop and policy contributing countries, building on the cooperation between the Security Council and the Peace and Security Council of the African Union as a good example of the tangible benefits of such consultations.
In line with the operative paragraph three and four of resolution 79 slash 327, the council should also strengthen its relationship with subsidiary bodies, including the Peace Building Commission so as to improve coherence, coordination, and effectiveness of the council's mandate.
Co chairs, South Africa reiterates that the veto cannot be the exclusive right of the five members because this will only serve to entrench power disparities and inequalities in the council.
Therefore, while the veto exists, it should be extended to the new permanent members.
They should have the same prerogatives and privileges, including the right of veto.
The continued use of the veto by some members of the Security Council in violation of the charter and against the mandate which the member states of the UN have conferred on the Security Council remains a matter of concern for South Africa.
In this regard, we associate with the session of resolution 79 slash 327 on the role and authority of the General Assembly in matters related to the maintenance of peace and security, particularly in instances where the Security Council fails to act.
We reaffirm our support for the implementation of operative paragraph six of resolution 79 slash 327 which requests the president of the General Assembly to continue to provide detailed summaries following relevant discussions related to the annual report of the Security Council on the use of the veto, including recommendations for action based on such discussions.
Our view is that the provision by the president of the General Assembly of detailed summaries and comprehensive Security Council annual reports on the use of the veto will go a long way in contributing to transparency and accountability.
In concluding, coaches, we stress the importance of the IGN to proceed with a consolidated model based on convergences of the five clusters and the models presented by member states as directed by the Pact of the future, as this will provide the basis for text based negotiations.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of South Africa for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Lichtenstein.
Thank you so much for the floor, Madam Co chair, and good morning to all of you.
Co chairs, thank you for Your leadership of the IGN process and for convening today's session on the five clusters.
Security Council reform remains a matter of urgency, both in order to ensure its effectiveness in upholding international law and to improve its representation of membership and the People's Reserve.
Lichtenstein has been pleased to present its own model, as well as a revised version in October 24.
We encourage others to continue putting forward their role models in the IGN format.
On categories of membership, we believe that the practice of periodic election is key to ensure accountability of council members.
We believe that longer term re electable seats within eight to ten year duration would serve as a pragmatic compromise between the positions put forward by the various groups.
In practice, such seats permit de facto permanent incubancy on the council based on a periodic mandate provided by the full membership.
On the veto.
Lichtenstein does not support models that expand the veto, which would extend the council's main source of paralysis.
Additionally, in keeping with the commitment we have all made in the pact for the future, we believe that any reform package must include restrictions on the use of the veto to restore its role as intended by the drafters of the charter and to make a political compromise viable.
On regional representation.
Our model puts forward longer term re electable seats for Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Western European and others group, and formalizes dedicated seats for the Arab group and small island developing states and puts forward an additional seat for the Eastern European group.
This distribution of seats better reflects the composition of membership, which has so clearly changed since 1945.
On the type of seats, we believe that longer term longer term re electable seats are better suited to improve overall representativeness by potentially allowing a broader range of states to serve in a rotation scheme or true contested elections.
In addition, the IGM process should examine how we can bridge the traditional regional group approach with the thematic group approach, including with respect to seats.
On size and working methods, we are of the view that adding six to eight new council members strikes a reasonable balance between the improved representation and effectiveness on enlarged council.
Must adapt its working methods accordingly.
We further believe it is important that all council members can serve as president of the council during the term and have equitable access to the chairing of subsidiary bodies and pen holderships.
Measures should be considered to manage meeting time and workload more efficiently.
It is important to note that the working methods cluster of the IGN is limited to changes in the working methods resulting from council enlargement and that efforts to improve the working methods of the present council should continue outside the IGN on the relationship between the Security Council and the GA.
We believe in a mutually reinforcing relationship on matters of peace and security between a reform Council and the General Assembly.
Council's primary responsibility under the charter for the maintenance of peace and security should be complemented by the General Assembly as put forward in the charter.
We welcome, among others, the proposals put forward by the African group in this regard.
Co chairs, we appreciate your efforts to put forward the basis for further discussions and look forward to next steps.
I thank you so much.
I thank the distinguished representative of Lichtenstein for a statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom.
Thank you, co chairs.
The United Kingdom welcomes the opportunity to continue discussions across the five clusters of Security Council reform, deepening our understanding of views and proposals and helping move us closer to consensus.
We have listened carefully to delegations contributions in previous sessions and note that continued engagement across all elements of the reform agenda.
The UK maintains that the council must be expanded in order to better reflect the world today.
We support an expansion in both the permanent and non permanent categories of membership to a total in the mid 20s.
This should include permanent African representation and new permanent seats for India, Germany, Japan, and Brazil.
UK underlines the importance of ensuring that any enlargement of the council also serves to enhance its effectiveness.
A reformed council must remain able to respond to crises and conflicts around the world and uphold international peace and security.
Recent steps, including the Veto Initiative, demonstrate that pragmatic changes can strengthen the council's transparency and effectiveness.
These efforts underline that meaningful progress is possible, improving confidence in the council's work while preserving its ability to act decisively.
Colleagues, the United Kingdom remains steadfast in its support for a reformed, more representative council.
We look forward to working with all delegations, continuing to engage constructively across all five clusters and to identify practical pathways towards consensus.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the United Kingdom and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Algeia.
I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of the Philippines.
Thank you very much, co chairs.
The Philippines thanks you for your steadfast leadership of the IGN process.
The Philippines remain firmly committed to comprehensive reform of the Security Council across all five clusters.
We consider working methods as an important element of efforts to improve the effectiveness, transparency, inclusivity, and accountability of the Security Council.
In line with action 41 of the Pact for the future, we support improving access and participation in the work of the council and its subsidiary organs for the wider membership, strengthening interaction between the Security Council and the General Assembly and enhancing engagement with regional organizations and states concerned.
The Philippines looks forward to the adoption of the annual report of the Security Council to the General Assembly for 2025, which promotes greater accountability and transparency.
We note that agreement on the allocation of chairships of subsidiary bodies remains pending, and encourage the Security Council to finalize these arrangements as soon as possible as delays affect not only the work of the subsidiary bodies, but also the efficiency and responsiveness of the council.
Co chairs the Philippines recognizes the broad support for enlarging the Security Council to enhance its representativeness and legitimacy.
We underscore the importance of addressing the historical underrepresentation of Africa as a priority, and also improving the representation of other underrepresented regions, including the APG and Gulac, consistent with Action 39 of the Pact for the future.
We therefore strongly support the Eswini consensus.
While differences remain on the modalities and categories of expansion, we observe emerging areas of convergence, particularly on improving working methods, strengthening Security Council General Assembly interaction, and enhancing their representativeness of the council.
The Philippines therefore encourages continued engagement aimed at narrowing gaps and advancing practical and achievable progress across the five clusters.
Co chairs at a time of increasing demands on the United Nations, the credibility and effectiveness of the Security Council remain closely tied to the UN's ability to adapt and respond to contemporary and emerging challenges and realities.
As we approach the final plenary meetings of this session, the Philippines will continue to engage constructively and support efforts to advance meaningful and achievable progress on security council reform within the IGA.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Philippines for a statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Singapore.
Chairs.
I want to thank you for your open and constructive leadership and for offering avenues like the tax will talks and bridging proposals which have allowed us to clarify and sharpen our discussions.
My delegation also thanks the African group for introducing its model.
The presentation of the various models of reform have been useful in providing greater clarity on the perspectives of various groups.
This will allow us to identify where convergences may be possible.
Singapore has consistently supported the implementation of the Pact for the future and our commitments on Security Council reform that are laid out in the Pact.
On the five clusters, In our last statement of these negotiations, we spoke about the impact of the veto on decision making in the council and our support for the voluntary restraint of its use.
I shall not repeat these points other than to reiterate that my delegation continues to be unpersuaded that increasing the number of veto wielding members will make the council more effective or responsive.
Let me make two key points on the other main clusters.
First, on categories of membership and representation, any reform council must reflect the diversity of the UN membership and the geopolitical realities of our time to be credible.
Singapore has therefore been consistent in our support for expansion in both categories.
But any expansion must not become purely an exercise to accommodate the ambitions of the big powers while neglecting the legitimate needs and aspirations of small states.
No model of reform would be credible if their perspectives and interests are not addressed, especially those from underrepresented regions or regional groups that do not practice sub regional rotation.
Singapore therefore supports the idea of at least one cross regional rotating seat for small island developing states as a positive step forward, and we welcome other ideas.
Similarly strongly support the need to address the historical underrepresentation of Africa and other or underrepresented regions, including the Asia Pacific Group.
Second, on size and working methods.
Reform of the council must not compromise its ability to respond decisively and effectively.
This is why Singapore is in favor of an enlarged council of a reasonable size with membership in its mid 20s, which balances representativeness with effectiveness in decision making.
Any expansion must be accompanied by strengthening and reviewing the working methods of the council.
We support the full participation of non permanent members in the council's work, including as pen holders and to hold the presidency at least once during their tenure.
These are ideas that are widely supported by many delegations in this room today.
Reform council must ultimately be more accountable to the wider UN membership.
This is why we previously put forward a declaration of responsibilities for adoption by the General Assembly.
This, we feel should be reflected in any eventual reform package.
Co chairs, we see movement.
To make even more meaningful progress, we must be prepared to be flexible and work towards identifying convergences that can form the basis of a consolidated model of reform that can command broad support.
This will enable us to move this process from theoretical discussions to concrete outcomes.
We look forward to the next steps.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Singapore for her statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Cuba.
Co chairs, we thank you for organizing this meeting to continue to address the reform of the Security Council by debating the five clusters pursuant to Deion 60 2557 of the General Assembly.
In terms of the first question on the working methods, my delegation is in favor of a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, including its working methods.
In order to make headway here, it's necessary to engage in transparent informal negotiations to adopt the rules of procedure that thus far remain provisional and to publish summary records of closed consultations with council, which should be the um Exception, not the practice.
The annual report that presented to the General Assembly must be exhaustive and analytical of the work of the council, enabling us to address the courses and implications of the decisions.
We're also in favor of expanding the council in both categories of members, both permanent and non permanent, seeking a more balanced makeup of the body that would reflect the geographic imbalance and lack of representation of developing countries.
Because they are the majority of the membership of the UN.
This expansion should not be partial or selective, nor should it involve an increase in the numbers of the council that would be detrimental to developing countries.
In terms of the size of the expanded council, we believe that the membership should reach no less than 26 members.
This should include an increase to the number of permanent members, a minimum of two from Africa, two developing countries from Asia and two from Latin America and the Caribbean.
The time has come to correct the historic injustice that entire regions like Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean face because they're not represented in this category.
What's more, the category of non permanent members must be expanded to at least 15 members.
We're not in favor of the creation of new categories or subcategories of members because this would undermine existing differences and would foster division within the Security Council.
Cuba is opposed to the existence of the right to veto.
However, whilst this is still in place, the new positions that are established in terms of permanent members must have the same prerogatives and rights of current members, including the power of veto.
It We must not establish selective or discriminatory criteria here.
Furthermore, the interference of the Security Council in areas outside of its remit must halt, in particular when it comes to issues that are under the remit of the General Assembly.
The functions and mandates established by the UN Charter must be respected.
Co chairs, you can certainly count on delegation to continue to move forward with a solution that can benefit from the widest acceptance from the member states in order to make this body more transparent, democratic, and representative.
Thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Cuba for a statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of Poland.
Thank you very much.
Distinguished coachs, let me begin by thanking you for organizing this meeting as well as for the informal and constructive format of tactile talks.
We hope that your hard work will lead us to tangible progress in our discussions on the reform of the Security Council, but no pressure.
It is important, we believe that to underline that what we need most at this stage is flexibility and a genuine openness to compromise.
After all, the process we are engaged in explicitly contains the word negotiations in its title.
This should guide our approach.
We cannot limit ourselves to reiterating fixed positions and declaring them non negotiable.
Now the Security Council is an organ of the UN with majority of its members elected by the entire UN membership.
Its structure is defined by the UN charter and document we have all collectively agreed upon.
It can only be amended through a common effort, but with it, it can be amended.
In the Pact for the future, we committed ourselves to developing a consolidated model based on convergences across the five clusters.
What we already seem to realize is that no single model will fully satisfy all member states.
Therefore, perhaps we should begin with the I don't want to use the word lowest, so I won't, common denominator, a foundation upon which further progress can be built.
It should be based on the expansion of the non permanent category of membership in our view.
In line with Article 23 of the charter, it is precisely this category that is intended to ensure equitable geographical distribution.
This should be our starting point.
If a consolidated model based on this premise proves to be insufficiently ambitious, then we still have a solid basis for further development.
Cultures, a more representative security council is a council with greater legitimacy.
However, our reform will remain incomplete if we fail to address another fundamental issue, which is the question of the veto.
We need to consider the perspective of our nations, obviously, but also of our citizens and public opinion appears to agree that the veto does not enhance the effectiveness of the Security Council.
Expanding this privilege risks further complicating decision making and undermining the council's ability to act.
Cultures, if you are serious about reform, we must have an opportunity to engage in negotiations that requires pragmatism, flexibility, and the willingness to move beyond entrenched positions.
Only then can we deliver a security council that is more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately, more importantly, perhaps even effective with improved working methods.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of Poland for his statement and I now give the floor to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Thank you, co chair.
At the outset, allow me to express my appreciation to co chair for your sincere efforts to promote constructive process within IGN on the Security Council reform through the initiation of the structured dialogue.
My delegation which today a form is a principal position regarding the working method of the Security Council and size of the enlarged council.
In responding to guiding question posed by co chair, my delegation believed that the parameter in action 39 of the pact for the future are directly linked to the working method of Security Council.
The main idea of Action 39 is that member states bear primary responsibility for preventing conflict, sustaining peace, and contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security through national efforts and international cooperation.
In this regard, current structure and functioning of the Security Council remain focused on the responding to the conflict after they erupt rather than on the preventing them.
Security Council should place far greater emphasis on preventable diplomacy and respecting a legitimate security concern of the Serbian state.
To this end, security council must put an end to the application of the selectivity and double standard.
Today, the Security Council of justified military action and civilian casualties caused by certain country under the pretext of the self defense, while condemning the efforts of the other states to strengthen their defensive capability as a threat to international peace and security.
Such consistent practice undermine the credibility, impartiality, authority of the Security Council.
Therefore, my delegation believed that working methods of Security Council should be reformed in accordance with the principle embodied in action 39 of the Pact for the future.
Most importantly, Security Council must fully uphold the principle of sovereign equality, act impartiality, and refrain from selectivity and double standard in both its deliberations and actions.
In 1945, the United Nations was established to save succeeding generation from scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind.
Security Council was entrusted with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security.
In this context, my delegation cannot overlook a country that provogue World War, thereby brought unspeakable misery and sorrow upon the humanity has yet to offer any reflection and apology for each past crime against humanity.
This is a highly shamishbevor.
Furthermore, It is deeply concerning that in the context of the reforming Security Council, certain member states continue to advocate permanent members for Japan, which still seek to justify its past action act of the aggression against the other country and a crime against humanity.
A country that is moving towards becoming military power again and showing ambitions for the renewed aggression without since an apology on its history of aggression should not be granted a permanent member Security Council.
I thank you.
I thank the distinguished representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for his statement and I now give the floor to the distinguished representative of San Marino.
Distinguished co chairs, I would like to thank you for convening this meeting of the IGN on Security Council reform.
San Marino aligns itself with a statement previously made by Italy on behalf of the UFC group.
Now I would like to make some remarks in my national capacity.
Progress requires us to move forward on all five clusters, building the necessary common ground to support the entire reform package.
Regarding the cluster on categories of membership, it is clear that thus far, non permanent elected members are the only category on which there is a broad consensus.
On through periodic election can the principle of democracy and accountability be fully implemented.
Elections strengthen accountability and incentivize the council to act in the collective interest.
Nevertheless, the Marin understands the long standing request of the African group to redress an historical injustice.
Here, we believe there may be room for maneuver to be able to seek a compromise solution by safeguarding the concept of African regional seats alongside the principle of accountability through periodic elections.
Distinguished co chairs, we have all seen particularly in recent years, the significant impact of the veto on the work of the Security Council, specifically on its efficiency and its capacity to promptly address challenges to international peace and security.
In our view, granting the right of veto to additional countries would result in a reform that renders the Security Council even less capable of addressing treats to international peace and security.
San Marina advocates for the eventual abolition of the veto, we believe a pragmatic approach best serves the interest of reform.
To this, some Marinas joined both the ACT group's code of conduct regarding mass atrocities and the French Mexican initiative to voluntarily refrain from using the veto in such situations.
Distinguished co chairs regarding the third cluster's regional representation, we favor fairer representation for the African continent and underrepresented regions in general.
We are also open to exploring special arrangements for cross regional groups to improve representation while preserving the council's efficiency.
Concerning the final two clusters, we believe the relationship between the Council and General Assembly must be reinforced so that both organs may benefit.
Periodic election remain the best mechanism to guarantee the democratic nature of the council to ensure the responsibility and transparency of its members toward the entire international community.
We share the firm conviction that a more transparent and effective Security Council is essential.
Thank you very much.
I thank the distinguished representative of San Marino for his statement and looking at the clock, that means we have heard the last speaker for this meeting.
We will reconvene this afternoon at 3:00 P.M.
In this conference room to continue the discussion, followed by a close interactive dialogue without webcast.
The meeting is adjourned.
GA
General Assembly
Intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council - 5th IGN plenary, Informal meeting, General Assembly, 80th session
During the fifth IGN plenary, the Co-Chairs will reconvene the discussion of the five clusters.
Description
The Co-Chairs pose the following guiding questions to delegations, not to limit the discussion in any way:
What are the views of delegations regarding the working methods of the Council and the size of an enlarged Council?
In what way did the parameters as set out in the Pact for the Future affect the position of delegations with regard to reform of the Security Council, in particular vis-à-vis the parameters in Action 39 and the interim measures outlined in Action 41?
Are there any developments in delegations' positions, including new proposals, ideas or potential areas of convergence, that delegations wish to put forward?
H.E. Mr. Tareq M. A. M. Albanai, Permanent Representative of the State of Kuwait to the United Nations, and H.E. Ms. Lise Gregoire-van Haaren, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United Nations, have been appointed by the President of the General Assembly as Co-Chairs of the Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other matters related to the Council during the 80th session.
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